Manifesto for national peace and
national unity
Humanity begins the 21st century in a better position to find comprehensive
solutions to its problems, which is why it is on the way towards
moving its plans for peace, democracy and freedom to a new level
based on the achievements of the last century. Humanity regards
the route of dialogue and negotiation as the only practicable one
if the tensions and wars which led to so much loss of life in the
20th century are to be avoided in this
one. It is developing its strategies, tactics and plans to this
end and moves in accordance with these to solve its problems. At
the same time this situation is an expression of the level of development
of the human race.
But the present position of the Kurdish people and the way in which
it attempts to solve its national and social problems are in contradiction
with the level of development attained elsewhere. If the level of
development of humanity is taken as a measure for judging how well
national and social problems have been solved, then it is obvious
that the Kurdish people find themselves in a backward state. The
strategy and tactics of
their struggle were not enough to bring about a solution. Even if
the great struggle which was carried out has led to important developments,
it has not succeeded in achieving national freedom and the solution
of the problems within society. But the consequences of this struggle
and the developments which it forced also showed the failure of
the dominant states' policies of annihilation and denial and obliged
them to develop new
strategies.
For the reasons outlined, the search for solutions to our national
and social problems went on into the 21st century. The most important
obstacles to a solution of the Kurdish problem, one of the biggest
problems in the Middle East and one of the reasons for the backwardness
of the region, are the policies of annihilation and denial by the
dominant states. This is a product of a narrow reactionary nationalism
on the one hand, and of self
interest and collaboration from the Kurdish side, on the other.
This type of politics, which is developed within a close relationship
with external powers, not only offers no solution, but on the contrary
leads to constant intra-Kurdish quarrels. These in turn lead to
greater fragmentation and damage to the dynamic of national development.
As long as the Kurdish people fail to end this situation and to
replace these quarrels, which so damage the dynamic of national
development, with internal peace, democracy and unity , it will
be unable to solve any of the problems. All Kurdish parties see
the need to overcome these quarrels and thereby to attain national
democracy and freedom.
At present the Kurdish national movement is divided in the face
of this absolute and compelling reality. It is engaged in quarrelling
and has not a stance or approach which will overcome this situation.
One part of the Kurdish movement is being used against another in
order to gain political advantage, as can be seen for example in
the international conspiracy
against our people's freedom struggle in the person of our President,
Abdullah Ocalan. This level of understanding and this type of attitude
leads to military and political strife within the Kurdish national
movement. The PKK, our party, which people are trying to involve
in this sort of quarrel refuse to do so, or to engage in the sort
of politics which leads to it. We stubbornly insist on national
peace, democracy and unity. These are urgently needed for a strategy
whereby the Kurdish national question can be solved with the ruling
powers - which appears to be possible on the basis of the positive
developments which have taken place internationally as well as the
important experiences and knowledge created by our national democratic
movement. Our party, which is fully aware of its responsibility
for solving the national and social questions, believes that national
peace, democracy and unity on the basis of the principles and urgent
measures laid out below can be achieved, and will do
everything in its power to bring this about.
A. To achieve national peace for the Kurds:
1. As long as the dominant states, at the behest and with the support
of foreign powers, continue their policy of annihilation and denial
of the Kurds, it is both legitimate and necessary that the Kurds
maintain armed forces as a precondition of the defence and development
of their national interests.
2. The armed forces of various Kurdish parties, institutions and
individuals should be directed externally and where possible should
take the form of joint national forces. Playing these forces off
against each other in internal conflicts, whether in cooperation
with foreign forces or on behalf of individual interests, will be
regarded as a crime against the nation and punished by suitable
sanctions.
3. The issues which damage national peace and lead to strife are
the policies of annihilation and denial practised by the dominant
states and the interests and collaborationist politics of the feudal
tribes. In order to achieve national peace, it is urgently necessary
that all Kurdish national forces reject this type of politics and
instead support peace on the basis of political rapprochement.
4. Just as without national peace no democracy for the nation can
be attained, so can no national peace be genuine and lasting unless
it is based on national democracy. So to arrive at a durable state
of national peace it is absolutely essential that we win national
freedom and develop a democratic system. That is the main task that
lies ahead for all Kurdish national forces.
5. To achieve a lasting national peace it is important for a culture
of peace to develop, and the people, using democratic methods, also
equip themselves with such a democratic culture. All Kurdish national
forces should adopt in their programme the development of a culture
of peace and carry out intensive work on the basis of it.
6. The solution to the problems that have constantly led to strife
should not be sought on the basis of the interests or policies of
a particular group, but with national agreement and in the framework
of national interests.
B. To create and develop Kurdish national democracy:
1. The main precondition for beginning democratic co-existence
on a national level is the overcoming of feudal clan structures,
which are based on self-interest. To become a national force in
the best sense, every Kurdish national force needs to base itself
on the most democratic possible approach, and to reject and actively
fight against all forms of feudal relations and concomitant despotic
practices.
2. The indispensable basis for democracy is freedom of opinion
and freedom to organise. Every Kurdish national force should institute
this fundamental rapprochement with democracy, and overcome the
tendencies towards a mentality of bans which result from the policies
of annihilation and denial by the dominant states, as well as from
the anti-democratic attitudes caused by feudal clan structures.
We need to create all over Kurdistan
complete freedom of opinion and freedom of expression, as well as
conditions under which all Kurdish parties and organisations can
organise and work freely. Every Kurdish national and party organisation
should feel obliged to subscribe to these principles and to implement
them.
3. All Kurdish national parties and organisations should feel themselves
bound by the principle of democratic co-existence, on the basis
that they express their diversity. Further, they should also make
efforts to overcome the problems that divide them so that they can
organise complex joint political, cultural, diplomatic and economic
associations and turn them into lasting institutions.
4. Every Kurdish party and organisation should see it as a national
task to defend Kurdish democracy and to defend the democratic forces
when they are attacked by foreign anti-democratic forces.
5. Every Kurdish party and organisation should work constructively
in a democratic framework to express criticisms and opinions, and
should refrain from making provocative statements.
C. How relations with the ruling societies and states could be
arranged on such a basis:
1. Peace and friendship should be the bases of a common life and
interchange in relations with all layers of society and all those
forces in power in those dominant states which accept the national
democratic rights of the Kurdish people. People should strive for
free and voluntary co-existence based on democratic change and the
democratic resolution of the Kurdish question.
2. Relations with the dominant states should be tackled on the
principle of resolving the Kurdish question, of a democratic system
and voluntary co-existence. Political attempts to treat the Kurds
as tactical reserves and to play them off against each other should
be refused.
3. The Kurdish national movement should not try to exacerbate or
render hopeless the problems that exist between the dominant states,
but should contribute to solving these problems, and should try
to bring these states closer together, so that in the end a democratic
federation of the Middle
East can be achieved.
4. When a Kurdish party or organisation maintains relations with
one of the dominant states, it should not take up a position which
sets it against any other Kurdish party or organisation. It should
be regarded as an offence against the nation and punished by suitable
sanctions to enter into contracts to the detriment of another party
or organisation. All national Kurdish forces should adopt a common
position in their relations with
neighbouring societies and states.
D. To reorganise and develop inter-nation relations:
1. International contacts of a Kurdish organisation which damage
another organisation should be regarded as an offence against the
whole nation and suitable sanctions should be applied.
2. As far as possible Kurdish parties and organisations should
endeavour to have a common position in their international relations
and should keep each other informed about their international contacts.
3. The solution of the Kurdish question should be considered as
something necessary for the whole of Kurdistan in general as well
as for its respective parts, and efforts should be made to carry
out joint diplomatic work on this basis in order to arrive at a
solution.
4. In order to bring the struggle of the Kurdish people for freedom
and democracy close to all peoples in the world, wide-ranging public
relations work should be carried out.
E. For the development of national unity:
1. All positions based on the division of Kurdistan and all approaches
resulting from attachment to narrow interests which hinder national
development and national unity and which arise from feudal-tribal
structures, every sort of self-seeking approaches, regional prejudices
and exclusively regional relationships need to be overcome.
2. Without achieving national unity, no national peace is possible.
For this reason, in order to overcome the divisions and fragmentation
and to achieve national peace, all national forces should act consistently
and carry out joint activities.
3. Democratisation of the dominant states and societies depends
on the democratic resolution of the Kurdish question on the basis
of free co-existence. In spite of the existing borders it is possible
to develop Kurdish relations at a national level and to develop
Kurdish national unity; every Kurdish party and organisation should
strive for national development and unity on the basis of these
principles.
4. The Kurdistan National Congress (KNK) should be developed as
the highest expression of the will and decision-making power of
the nation. No national group should remain outside this Congress.
All groups should be satisfied that they can be adequately represented
within the Congress, and groups
which remain outside should not be regarded as legitimate.
5. A national peace conference should be held on the initiative
of the Kurdistan National Congress. This conference should strive
for a democratic solution on the basis of the common interests of
the Kurdish national movement and upon this solution build institutions
suitable for a lasting national peace and for a democratic way of
life.
Short-term measures necessary to end the current conflict:
1. In order to develop an atmosphere in which a solution to the
problem can be found through a political dialogue, there must be
a ceasefire between all the forces which are confronting each other
militarily, above all between the KDP, PUK and PKK, and a mutual
non-aggression pact must be signed.
2. All forces must cease their propaganda war of exposure and provocation,
and all means of propaganda, particularly the press and media, should
be used in the service of national peace.
3. The parties and organisations must show respect for each other's
existence, and avoid positions or approaches which could be seen
as interference in internal affairs.
4. As a gesture of goodwill and as a contribution to developing
the atmosphere of peace, all prisoners should be freed unconditionally.
Conclusion:
While we lay our project for national peace, democracy and unity
before all the national forces, our people and other interested
parties, with an explanation of the conditions, principles and necessary
measures, we would like to emphasise once again that our party will
make every sacrifice to start this project, which can be completed
with the participation of the
named main parties. We call on the Kurdistan National Congress to
adopt the contents of this project and to exert itself on this basis
more actively than before.
11 September 2000
Presidential Council of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK)
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