Documentation: Urgent-action plan for a democratic solution from KADEK

International Initiative
Freedom for Ocalan – Peace in Kurdistan
P.O. Box 100511, D-50445 Koeln
E-Mail: info@freedom-for-ocalan.com
Url: www.freedom-for-ocalan.com

Cologne, 9 December 2003

INTERNATIONAL INITIATIVE BRIEFINGS:
Documentation: Urgent-action plan for a democratic solution

On November 3, 2002 general elections were held in Turkey, in the midst of continuing internal and regional problems as well as a difficult phase in its European relations. These polls had become necessary because the former government had proved incapable of mastering the existing problems. Both government and opposition persisted in their antiquated approach unable to meet modern requirements. Despite positive steps in some areas they weren’t really determined to implement the reforms that might have overcome stagnation.

The outcome of the November elections was a rebuff for these politics. Neither of the parties of the old parliament was re-elected, quite understandably since they offered no solutions. ssThe voting shows that this is how the people saw it. And it was an approproate response.

The Justice and Development Party (AKP) was the winner of these elections and it benefitted from the achievemments of several decades of struggle during which a variety of left and democratic powers had tried to overcome the system and its parties.

Particularly the struggle of the Kurdish democratic movement made clear that the present system could not meet Turkey’s needs. Hence a restructuring of Turkey along the lines of its socio-cultural reality seems inevitable.

The fact that the old political establishment has been voted out is therefore not due to the efforts of the AKP but to the efforts of those democratic powers which had been struggling several decades to overcome the old system. This has to be understood by those who wish to play a political role in Turkey.

The AKP, however, has a different point of view. This may be concluded from the urgent-action plan that the newly-formed government has presented to the public recently. This plan does not even with a single word address the Kurdish question, Turkey’s main problem. It rather resorts to ignoring it. The AKP seems to have adopted the view that the Kurdish problem is basically an economic problem.

Turkey is indeed confronted with grave economical problems. And it is well-known that the Kurdish people in particular live in utter poverty. Pretending to resolve this problem without special programmes or major financial ressources amounts to deliberate deception. We have witnessed similar deceptions in the past. The undemocratic state devours the majority of financial ressources.

It cannot be denied that those who caused the serious economic problems, those who made people fall into the debt trap, they are the same politicians who could not resolve the Kurdish problem. The current economical desaster results esssentially from a strategy of denial incapable of resolving the chief problem of this country. As long as this is ignored Turkey’s political, economical, social, cultural, and diplomatic problems will remain unsolved.

The parties coming to power in the 1999 April elections had promoted chauvinism and claimed they could get rid of the Kurdish democratic movement. Even the opposition parties tried to be as anti-Kurdish as they could. Instead of a solution annihilation was sought.

Our president Abdullah Ocalan saw the danger and hopelessness resulting from a war of extermination and revenge. He wanted a democratic solution. Our people and we as representatives of a national democratic movement followed his policy and made the necessary steps. In spite of several bellicose provocations from inside and outside the ranks of the government we have stuck to our position of legitimate self-defence. We have tried to realise our new policy by exclusively democratic means. This policy orientates itself by the principle of all peoples living together in freedom and unity.

Our people, too insisted on democratic unity and brotherhood and showed its will every year in its “Newroz” celebrations.

The rational proposals for a solution that the Kurdish democratic movement and the Kurdish people had made were an important opportunity for Turkey. Unfortunately, however, the government and some powers within the state regarded our approach as a weakness. To them the Kurdish democratic movement was defeated and therefore it was not necessary to deal with this problem any longer. But in fact, as our leader said: “Those who aimed to defeat us were defeated”.

The proposals we had made actually posed a historical chance for the old coalition government. If they had taken significant steps towards solving the Kurdish problem, they might have been spared their fate. Although we consider some of the steps taken as important, they were not sufficient to foster democratization. They only brought delay. The regulations adopted concerning Kurdish education and broadcasting are evidence that no real change was to be expected in this matter.

Even if the approach that we have been following for three years now has not been accepted adequately some positive steps towards a solution have been made. The Kurdish people held on to a democratic solution, and thus distrust and prejudice on the part of Turkey decreased at least to a degree. If this basis is used important progress can be made in the course of the months ahead. Whether or not the new government will indeed use this opportunity still remains to be seen. There is yet a chance, however, to correct mistakes made in the past three years and to develop a more constructive concept in their place.

The Kurdistan Freedom and Democracy Congress will support any initiatives to this end. It will do everything in its power to further such a solution. We will hold on to this offer until the new government has determined which road to take.

This does not only concern the Kurdish question but all other problems of Turkey as well. We are also ready to contribute to the democratisation of Turkey and the development of a social policy. This is why we have supported DEHAP (the movement for work, peace, and democracy) in the November elections.

Neither KADEK nor its self-defence forces do pose a threat to Turkey. They rather may be regarded as a constructive factor for democratisation and problem-solving. Our thirty years of struggle have made the Kurdish people a democratic power and a valuable support in the modernisation of Turkey. There should be contentment instead of mistrust.

The attitude of the Kurdish people can be seen clearly in all fields, especially in their attempt to seek representation in the Turkish parliament after the November elections. Those who want stability in Turkey have to pay attention to the position of the Kurdish people.

The Kurdish people must not be denied. This will not lead to stability. Instead, it is likely to lead to crises.

The Kurdish nation and the Kurdish Democratic Movement are fulfilling their duties in providing stability. The Kurdish Democratic Movement has declared a cease-fire and has taken its armed forces to beyond the Turkish borders. It has recognised Turkey’s political unity within these borders.

The slogan “neither denial nor separation” was coined by the Kurdish people in order to ensure both peoples’ life in a democratic republic. Considering these facts, there is absolutely no excuse for the Turkish state or its government to keep trying to evade the Kurdish problem.

Had not DEHAP been prevented to enter parliament democratic unity and brotherhood would have become a part of Turkey’s political stage. Although Kurdish and left-wing democratic powers have not been elected into parliament they will continue their democratic struggle and keep it on the agenda.

Along with our responsibility of being a leading opposition party we will help to solve all problems of Turkey by democratic means. Although the old political mentality has been voted out, something new has not yet appeared. The AKP government programme does not raise much hope for the future. Nonetheless we would like to express our expectations to the new government in order to contribute to social stability and to the democratisation of the Turkish-Kurdish community. A political failure can be avoided yet if the errors in the new government’s urgent-action plan are repaired.

If the government intends to maintain its legitimacy towards our people we expect the following steps to be undertaken without delay:

1. We regard our president, Abdullah Ocalan, as a guarantee for peace and democratisation. His living conditions and his access to communications must be improved immediately.

We therefore demand:

a- to end the severe isolation of our president. He should either be transferred to a high security prison or other political prisoners should be brought to his prison.

b- He should be allowed to communicate with his family and lawyers as well as NGO representatives without any restriction.

c- He should have access to TV, radio, written press and books.

d- His health and nutrition needs should be observed in accordance to his needs; any support provided by his family and his lawyers to this end should not be prevented.

e- his rights concerning the free publication of his defence writings and other articles should be observed and he should not be hindered in spreading his thoughts.

f- campaigns carried out by the people or civil organisations demanding freedom for our president should not be hindered.

2. We demand a general pardon for all political prisoners. We demand that our president be released and allowed to take part in politics. A legal basis enabling democratisation has to be created for this. Aditionally, F-type prisons have to be abolished. Instead, a system must be initiated which corresponds to the human, social, and cultural requirements of the prisoners.

3. The guerilla forces and political refugees must be allowed to return into a normal civil and political life. A law must be enacted to this end.

4. The perpetrators and those behind extralegal executions must be put to trial.

5. Those forcibly evicted from their villages must be granted their right to return. Damages must be compensated for. Financial and social aid must be rendered for their return.

6. The village guard system must be abolished. Financial means and social support must be provided allowing for a return into civil lifes.

7. The law adopted in August 2002 concerning native language education and bradcasting must be expanded. In addition to Turkish as an official language native language education must be regulated in-law.

8) All barriers hindering the free development of Kurdish culture must be removed, and Kurdish culture should receive the necessary political, institutional and financial advancement.

9) All bans concerning Kurdish language radio and TV, press and books must be lifted. There must be no restrictions or regulations other than those applicable also for Turkish language publications.

10) Freedom of thought and assembly should be secured and all legal changes necessary enacted.

11) Kurdish existence and identity must be recognised by constitution and laws in order to allow for a complete resolution of the Kurdish question.


12) Central political power should be restricted in favour of federal structures and local decision-making.

13) In order to develop the democratic spirit in state and community a policy and corresponding projects have to be developed which further the participation of women in all areas of society and allowing for their equal and free participation in politics.

14) Necessary political and legal decisions should be taken in order to recover losses from the economic and social demolition of Kurdistan during the war.

15) Distinctive economic and social policies should be applied in order to improve the lives of the poor Kurdish people in the capital cities of Turkey.

16) Economical and social projects shall be developed which will benefit the poor in Turkey.

17) Social and cultural projects shall be created that promote the brotherhood of the Kurdish and Turkish people and their living together in peace.

18) TV and other media shall support a concept of respect towards other cultures and identities.

19) All laws should be rearranged in a way that they promote the democratisation of state, society and politics. These laws should target for a pluralist and participatory democracy.

20) Administrative and bureaucratic mechanisms have to be rearranged and restructured on the purpose of serving the public.

21) The constitution resulting from the military coup of September 1980 cannot be democratized whatever changes are made since its does not have a democratic basis. Therefore we believe that a new constitution should be set up in which all needs of the society are met, universal principles are obeyed and humanity and the environment are protected. In addition, social peace should be provided by considering the situation of the poor and the working class.

Turkey’s stabilisation can be realised if the changes above are implemented. They are necessary for democratisation and the solution of the Kurdish problem. Otherwise, the potential for conflict will increase and tensions will be rising.

Although our policy for a democratic union has achieved important improvements in the course of the past 3 years the factors, which originally forced us to take up arms, have not yet been eliminated. There is still the policy reflecting the stance of the seventies which can be summarised as “Not war nor peace.”

Both we and our people are still sceptic. We are still determined to continue our cease-fire strategy, as we believe that it is in favour of our people. The resolution we are submitting should be understood as part of our responsibility towards the democratic process.

Considering the ongoing dispute, all governmental or non-governmental organisations and political parties as well as the media are responsible to the people. This declaration is meant to contribute to the fulfillment of expectations our society bears towards the new government.

We therefore expect the government to live up to its responsibility.

We call on the Kurdish and Turkish people, to support this declaration and to contribute to its realisation by democratic means.

KADEK Presidential Council
22 November 2002


(Translation from turkish by International Initiative "Freedom for Ocalan - Peace in Kurdistan" Co-ordination bureau in Cologne)