8
May 2007
2. "Politics Focus on General Elections", AKP's Gul withdrew his candidature for presidential elections following a failed second attempt to gather enough MPs in the parliament. DYP and ANAP join powers under a new party for the general elections. "Republican meetings" continue in two cities.
3. "Turkey Hits Uncharted Politics", Turkey was in uncharted political waters Sunday as the ruling party's favorite for president backed out of his candidacy and opposition groups huddled in earnest to form political alliances in anticipation of summer elections.
4. "Turkey's EU hopes fade with Sarkozy", commentators said Mr Sarkozy's victory would make it even more difficult for pro-EU Turks to continue to make the case for pursuing full membership.
5. "Soldiers launch anti-rebel operation in SE Turkey", Turkish troops backed by helicopters have launched an operation against Kurdish rebels, security sources said on Monday, after two soldiers were killed over the weekend.
6. "UN Report Sparks Uproar in Kurdistan", a United Nations report on Iraq's human rights situation has provoked mixed reactions in the northern Kurdistan region.
1. - Ottowa Citizen - "Deciding who rules Turkey":
Turkey will never be an authentic democracy if the
civilian government must live in fear of yet another coup d'etat if
it displeases the generals.
7 May 2007 / by Harry Sterling*
Protesters demonstrated against the Turkish army last month over its threat to intervene in a dispute over who will be the country's next president. The Turkish military has a long history of coups of civilian rulers.
The recent crisis in Turkey wasn't just about fears that an avowed Islamist as president would threaten Turkey's secular system.
It was also very much about the longstanding tension between the Turkish military and the country's civilian governments and which one would wield power in that nation.
Ever since Mustafa Kemal Ataturk founded modern Turkey in 1923, the Turkish military has regarded itself as both the guarantor of the nation's security as well as its secular constitution.
So seriously did the military take its role, that since 1960 it has overthrown three civilian governments, even hanging prime minister Adnan Menderes for allegedly endangering the stability of Turkey. The generals also forced the resignation in 1997 of Turkey's first self-proclaimed pro-Islamic prime minister, Necmettin Erbakan. Erbakan was accused of trying to undermine Turkey's secular regulations and attempting to place pro-Islamists within positions of authority.
Until relatively recently, the military's overthrow of civilian governments and its efforts behind the scenes to control Islamic militants enjoyed considerable support among sectors of the Turkish population, particularly with ultra-nationalists, the bureaucratic elite, and conservatives.
Those who questioned the interventionist tendencies of the military, especially its controversial actions against Kurdish rebels and the Kurdish population in the country's eastern region -- including alleged torture of Kurds -- were usually intimidated into silence or jailed for violating national-security regulations. (The army forced the mass evacuation of numerous Kurdish villages during anti-insurgency operations in the east, especially in the border region with Iraq.)
However, as a result of Turkey's increasing economic prosperity and the government's attempts to join the European Union, a growing number of Turks began to question the continued interference of the generals in issues that properly were the sole jurisdiction of the democratically elected government.
The European Union in particular made it very clear that key elements in satisfying the membership requirements of the EU would be for Turkey to fully honour democratic principles and respect for fundamental human rights. This, among other things, included freedom of the press and an end to the imprisonment of journalists for reporting abuses carried out by the military. (One journalist was jailed for reporting that an army tank ran over a Kurd.)
To accomplish the EU's stipulated goals would require major and far-reaching reforms of Turkish laws, including restricting the role of the military trying civilians in civilian courts.
Interestingly, following the sweeping electoral victory in 2002 of the pro-Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP), led by Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, it was his party that initiated most of the human rights and other reforms necessary to satisfy the requirements of the European Union.
Many of those changes would eventually reduce some of the traditional powers enjoyed by the military in the case of civilians accused of various offences against the state, including denigrating the military itself. (In the mid-1980s, during the last military rule under a general in the presidency, a Canadian tourist was jailed after being overheard in a public place verbally criticizing the then president, Gen. Kenan Evren, when the president appeared on television.)
While many in Turkey continued to see the military as the guardian of the nation's stability, by the 1990s increasing numbers were of the opinion the generals should reduce their interference in domestic issues.
The fact Mr. Erdogan's Justice and Development Party -- an offshoot of the banned Welfare Party of Necmettin Erbakan -- could win an absolute majority in 2002 was a clear indication of the changes taking place in Turkish society. (Mr. Erdogan established a reputation for honesty and social activism when he earlier was mayor of Istanbul.)
Fully mindful of the fate of Necmettin Erbakan at the hands of the military, Prime Minister Erdogan had to tread carefully during his first years in office.
However, with the economy recovering and the EU formally initiating membership negotiations with his government, Prime Minister Erdogan's position has steadily strengthened. So much so that last May when the then military's chief of staff called upon the population to take to the streets on a regular basis against pro-Islamic militants, Erdogan did the previously unthinkable, criticizing the general for his "irresponsible" remarks.
Similarly, when the army issued a statement a few days ago threatening to intervene in the dispute over who would be the next president, a government spokesperson bluntly warned the military against any intervention, describing it as "inconceivable in a democratic state."
The European Union echoed similar warnings, saying the controversy over the next president was a test of the military's respect for democracy.
And that is precisely what has been at stake in recent times. Turkey will never be an authentic democracy if the civilian government always has to look over its shoulder, fearful of yet another coup d'etat if it somehow displeases the generals.
Now that November's general elections are likely to be advanced to June, Turkish voters will have the opportunity to clearly indicate whether they support Prime Minister Erdogan and his policies or not.
It's called democracy, something the military itself should support, but from its barracks.
The recent crisis may have set in motion the eventual answer to the critical question, who does speak for Turkey, the government or the military?
* Harry Sterling, a former diplomat, is an Ottawa-based
commentator. He served in Turkey. 
2. - Bianet - "Politics Focus on General Elections":
AKP's Gul withdrew his candidature for presidential elections following a failed second attempt to gather enough MPs in the parliament. DYP and ANAP join powers under a new party for the general elections. "Republican meetings" continue in two cities.
ISTANBUL / 7 May 2007
Turkish parliament failed to elect a president for a second round, as the main opposition party continued to boycott the candidature of the current Minister of Foreign Affairs, Abdullah Gul.
Following the void attempt, Gul declared the withdrawal of his candidature. "I see that it's in vain continuing such rounds of presidential elections and it's damaging the integrity of the parliament", he said.
Last week the Constitutional Court ruled that at least 367 MPs must be present at the 550-seat national assembly to proceed to the presidential elections. Ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) only has 352 and eventhough it's a strong majority, the party won't be able to choose its candidate.
Having seen the Court's ruling, PM Erdogan announced early elections, which is promptly scheduled for July 22.
AKP wants to enforce changes in the constitution until then, making the public directly elect the next president of the republic.
While all opposition parties welcomed the early elections, the preposition for a public vote for the president has faced harsh reaction. Critics say that this would mean a fundamental change in the political system and shouldn't be rushed.
"Republican meetings"
On another account, the so-called "republican meetings" continued last weekend, with thousands rushing to streets in Aegean cities of Çanakkale and Manisa.
Both demonstrations were copies of the two precedents, organized in Ankara on April 14 and in Istanbul on April 29.
Some 400 NGO's, mainly Kemalist organizations called for the demonstrations, in an attempt to discourage the ruling AKP's candidate being elected as president.
The demonstrators see the party's Islamist background as a concrete threat to the secular state.
As the Constitutional Court's ruling blocked any chance of electing a president by this parliament, now crowds began voicing demands for coming general elections.
The common urge is that all parties center left and right should meet under two fronts, constituting a strong alternative to the AKP.
The True Path Party (DYP) and the Motherland Party (ANAP) declared that that join as one under the tag of Democrat Party (DP).
The name has strong connotations, as it was the first to hold power after the founding Republican People's Party (CHP) during the 50s.
On the other hand, leaders of the social democrat CHP
and deceased former PM Ecevit's Democratic Left Party (DSP) have begun
talks for joining forces in elections.
3. - Chicago Tribune - "Turkey Hits Uncharted Politics":
ISTANBUL / 7 May 2007 / by Christine Spolar
Turkey was in uncharted political waters Sunday as the ruling party's favorite for president backed out of his candidacy and opposition groups huddled in earnest to form political alliances in anticipation of summer elections.
Abdullah Gul, the foreign minister and a leading voice in the Justice and Development Party, or AKP, withdrew his bid after opposition parties again boycotted parliamentary voting for president. It was another public rebuke for the Islamic-rooted ruling party, battered by recent street protests over its perceived religious leanings.
"There is no point in holding a new round of elections," Gul said at a news conference. "Parliament is deadlocked."
Tensions have spiraled since April 24, when Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan pushed Gul, a close ally, as the sole candidate for president before parliament.
Secularism defended
The choice was immediately attacked by opposition parties who balked at the idea that Erdogan, a former Islamist activist who once was jailed for reading fiery militant poetry in public, was reserving another lever of power for his party.
More ominously, the pro-secular military, a pillar in this republic of 71 million people, warned that it was ready to take action as the "absolute defender of secularism" in Turkey.
Tensions eased somewhat after Turkey's highest court set aside a first-round vote in parliament on technical grounds. Erdogan then tried to salvage some political advantage by calling for new legislative elections July 22 and urging that, for the first time, the president be elected directly by the voters instead of by parliament.
After Gul's withdrawal Sunday, Turkey's options were unclear. But it was apparent that the political scene had been energized.
Two center-right opposition parties -- True Path and the Motherland -- announced Saturday that they were joining forces to form a single Democrat Party. The main opposition group, the Republican People's Party, reportedly was in talks with the Democratic Left.
Sociologist Nilufer Narli, a professor at Bahcesehir University in Istanbul, said the campaign could "be painful [but] the election will identify what's important. ... It will force moderates to be sure that they are heard -- and it will mean other political parties will have to organize as well as AKP."
Analysts said that to change the system to let voters directly elect the president -- as AKP wants -- would require a constitutional amendment and weeks if not months of debate.
Some observers said Sunday that there would be a push, at least by the opposition, to wait for the summer parliamentary elections and then let the next parliament choose a president.
'Another puzzle'
"With every step, there's been another puzzle," said Haluk Sahin, a columnist for the newspaper Radikal. "It's unlikely that an amendment can go through this summer."
Last week it was conventional wisdom that the AKP was embattled from many directions -- protests in Ankara and Istanbul have attracted hundreds of thousands -- and that the elections this summer would be a showdown between religious and secular forces in society.
But interviews in the capital reveal that voters who brought the ruling party to power in 2002 are weighing its worth in other ways.
For many Turks, the AKP has governed dependably, achieving economic reforms and making strides in social conditions to meet European standards.
AKP's religious ties are anathema for many Turks. But people who identified themselves as part of Turkey's struggling middle class said that profits rather than preaching would decide their vote.
"I remember what it was like in 2001," travel agent and business owner Cengiz Tekin said. "There was no business. Exchange rates went up and down every day. People were looking to leave Turkey. ... I had three friends with factories who were trying to move to Iran or Jordan.
"Now there is stability," said Tekin, 28. "And what do I think about AKP? They live in my neighborhood. They speak like me, they act like me -- and they don't play around."
The AKP rose to power during a time of fiscal distress in Turkey. Although efforts to shore up the economy were already in place by 2002, the party built a solid record of performance and the economy expanded by a third. And AKP, like parties in the Middle East that rose from Islamist yearnings, has built on its successes and fanned out in force in local communities.
AKP "is a very modern effort," said economist Bulent Gultekin, a professor at the University of Pennsylvania's Wharton School. "It's not just organized neighborhood by neighborhood. It's organized apartment building by apartment building. They can mobilize people better than any other group."
Over the weekend, Gul, in an interview with the Financial Times, said that if direct election of the president were approved, he would run. He said he was frustrated that his party has been narrowly portrayed in the news media.
Fueling suspicions
But suspicions about AKP are fueled in part by its image. The wives of powerful AKP members wear tightly bound hijabs, in contrast to Turkish law that promotes secularism by banning the wearing of head scarves in public buildings.
Gul's wife, Hayrunisa, even sued Turkey in the European Court of Human Rights over the rule at universities; she dropped her case when Gul became foreign minister.
Those critical of Gul's wife did not dispute her right to challenge the law.
But they noted that she seemed to invite publicity in the case.
"Is the head scarf a personal choice or a political weapon?" asked Necla Arat, head of the National Union of Non-Government Organizations.
Arat said her group has been monitoring AKP's grass-roots efforts, particularly in schools, and it sees patterns of concern. Headmasters are steadily being replaced with more conservative mentors, she said.
"We want our children to know the meaning of a secular
state. ... People are very respectful of religion here. The head scarf
was not the target. The mentality of the people in the party is the
target," Arat said.
4. - Financial Times - "Turkey's EU hopes fade with Sarkozy":
ANKARA / 7 May 2007
Turkey's government reacted with coolness on Monday to the election of Nicolas Sarkozy as president of France, aware that Ankara's nearly five-decade-old ambition to join the European Union could founder during his term in office.
Recep Tayyip Erdogan, prime minister, said Mr Sarkozy was "the choice of the French people". He continued: "I hope that Sarkozy [as president] will not make remarks similar to those he made in his election campaign with respect to Turkey's EU process."
Mr Sarkozy favours a special relationship between the EU and Turkey that falls short of full membership.
French hostility, voiced most frequently by Mr Sarkozy, has contributed to a sharp fall in support for the EU among Turks. Anti-French feeling has been rising in Turkey since the divisive debate in France over the European constitution.
Commentators said Mr Sarkozy's victory would make it even more difficult for pro-EU Turks to continue to make the case for pursuing full membership. "Turkey has become the scapegoat in the argument to stop the EU enlargement process," said Cengiz Aktar, an academic and commentator in Istanbul. "Frankly, Sarkozy's election is the last nail in the coffin of Turkey's relationship with the EU."
Turkey's general election on July 22 aims to end a political
deadlock caused by a clash between Mr Erdogan's Islamist-rooted
government and the military. Although the prime minister has pursued
pro-EU policies, he has become increasingly disillusioned with the entry
negotiations, and rarely speaks in public now in favour of membership.
5. - Reuters - "Soldiers launch anti-rebel operation in SE Turkey":
DIYARBAKIR / 7 May 2007
Turkish troops backed by helicopters have launched an operation against Kurdish rebels, security sources said on Monday, after two soldiers were killed over the weekend.
They said thousands of soldiers were taking part in the operation involving Cobra and Sikorsky helicopters against rebels from the outlawed Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) in the valleys of mountainous Sirnak province, near the Iraqi border.
Fighting escalates in the spring as the snow melts and rebels cross the border from mountain bases in Kurdish-ruled northern Iraq, where Ankara continues to urge the United States to crack down on militants.
The sources said security had been stepped up along the border with Iraq, which was being monitored by F-16 warplanes during the day and thermal cameras at night.
More than 30,000 people have died in the conflict between
Turkey and the PKK since it launched its insurgency for a homeland in
the mainly Kurdish southeast in 1984.
6. - IPS - "UN Report Sparks Uproar in Kurdistan":
7 May 2007 / by Mohammed A. Salih
A United Nations report on Iraq's human rights situation has provoked mixed reactions in the northern Kurdistan region. Officials accuse the UN of "exaggeration and inaccuracy" while human rights activists say the "actual extent of violations has been understated by the UN."
The report by the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI) covering the first three months of this year has a substantial section on human rights in the Kurdish- controlled north.
Kurdistan has been spared much of the bloody violence in other parts of the country. It is the safest and most prosperous part of Iraq, but the UN report says it suffers from considerable violations of human rights.
The UNAMI report released in late April voiced "serious concern" over freedom of expression, detentions, and the conditions in which women live in Kurdistan.
Kurdish authorities say the UN report lacks first-hand information on many alleged cases of violation.
"This report is not precise in its investigations because in some cases it has relied on media reports or on reports released by other organisations," Dindar Zebari, Kurdistan Regional Government's coordinator for UN Affairs told IPS.
Zebari said his government has passed new laws and implemented reforms in government institutions in order to improve human rights conditions in the three provinces of Arbil, Sulaimaniya and Dohuk under its control.
"We have exerted a lot of efforts to stop violence against women. For example, people convicted of honour killing will not be eligible for general amnesties," Zebari said.
But rights activists in Kurdistan hold quite contrary views.
Rebin Rasul Ismael, a human rights activist from Arbil, believes the UN report is inaccurate because "it has failed to mention all the violations in Kurdistan, and has only mentioned the prominent and outstanding ones.
"The current reality shows that human rights conditions (here) are very bad, and I am not optimistic about the future of human rights in Kurdistan and Iraq," Ismael told IPS.
Honour killings, he said, are no longer a few isolated incidents, "but have reached a level that now women are generally under a big threat in Kurdistan."
The UN figures warn of deteriorating living conditions for women in the north. In Arbil province alone 358 women have burnt themselves to death since 2003. Another 218 have tried to do so.
The prime reason is increasing pressure from male members of the family, the report says.
Another cause for concern given in the report is the conditions of prisoners, especially those arrested on suspicion of terrorism. The UN report accuses local authorities of torturing and ill-treating detainees. Many have been held for prolonged periods without any charge.
"Many are held in custody only for being considered threats," said Ismael. "You cannot hold people behind bars for a couple of years just on suspicion of posing a threat to the political or social system."
The relative freedom of expression in Kurdistan, for which Kurdish officials have claimed credit over years, is seriously questioned in the UN report.
Several journalists have been arrested by security services over the past few years. Others have been threatened or beaten by unknown persons.
"We have a feeling that sometimes journalists are subjected to the political mood of the security services," Farhad Awni, head of the Kurdistan Journalists' Syndicate (KJS) told IPS.
The UN report says KJS is not an independent body. Awni denies this, and says a new law drafted by the KJS will provide legal protection for journalists once it is approved by the regional parliament.
Under the draft law, the highest punishment for a journalist for a perceived offence arising from their work will be fines, and not imprisonment. Cases involving journalists would be handled by the police and not the security services, who deal with serious crimes.
The gloomy picture the report paints explains why many Iraqis are disillusioned with the country's new reality.
"Unfortunately, contrary to our initial expectations,
post-Saddam Iraq has not become a country that protects and respects
human rights," Ismael said. "Iraq is in a catastrophic situation,
and the country's new rulers are responsible for this."