15 February 2006

1. "Security forces on alert ahead of anniversary of Öcalan capture", Police beefed up security and cancelled days off for security personnel in southeastern provinces ahead of the seventh anniversary of the capture of Abdullah Öcalan, the leader of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), news reports said.

2. "The Most Touchy Apparatus: The Turkish State", in 2005 157 cases were opened against for expressions of ideas, 29 people stood trial on grounds of article 301, 17 for "influencing the court decision," 15 on grounds of article 216; the media was fined 1, 491, 594 new Turkish liras in damages.

3. "FIDH Express Concern For Academics on Trial", the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and its member organisations in Turkey expressed deep concern for Turkish academics Oran and Kaboglu who are charged under Article 301 for a minority report they prepared for the Turkish Prime Ministry

4. "Key case on human rights report to start", trial of Professors Oran and Kabaoglu, who led group of academics preparing human rights report, are accused of provoking the public and could get 5 years in prisoncProfessor Oran's defense, much like lesson on human rights and liberties, accuses prosecutor of 'representing anti-democratic ideology’ and decries case as scandal that humiliates Turkey before whole world.

5. "Turkish court rejects PM's lawsuit over cartoons", a Turkish court on Tuesday rejected a claim for damages by Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan against a satirical magazine for publishing cartoons of his head on the bodies of animals.

6. "Two Allies, Two Angles", new Film in Turkey, America's '24' Reflect Uneasy Relations, Divergent Perspectives.

7. "Turkey Confronts Geopolitical Dilemma Concerning Iranian Nuclear Research", the crisis surrounding Iran’s nuclear program is forcing Turkey to confront a tangled geopolitical dilemma. While Ankara has no desire to see the emergence of a nuclear-armed Iran, Turkish officials at the same time cannot afford to alienate Tehran.

8. "300,000 Syrian Kurds 'Buried Alive'", they went to sleep as Syrians and woke up stripped of their citizenship and their rights to study, work, or marry as they wish. Such was the fate of 120,000 Syrian Kurds who became people with no country in 1962, when they were purged from the Syrian population in a politically motivated one-day census, the Washington, D.C.-based humanitarian group Refugees International said in a new report Tuesday.

1. - Turkish Daily News - "Security forces on alert ahead of anniversary of Öcalan capture":

ANKARA / 14 February 2006

Police beefed up security and cancelled days off for security personnel in southeastern provinces ahead of the seventh anniversary of the capture of Abdullah Öcalan, the leader of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), news reports said.

Öcalan was captured in a secret operation carried out by special forces in Kenya on Feb. 15, 1999. The PKK has called for protests on the anniversary of the capture of its leader, the private Dogan News Agency said.

Security forces implemented heightened measures at checkpoints across the predominantly Kurdish southeastern Anatolia. Military personnel were told not to leave their barracks until further notice.

Öcalan is serving a life sentence on an island near Istanbul for treason. The European Court of Human Rights, however, ruled in May 2005 that the PKK leader had not been given a fair trial in Turkey, opening the way for a retrial.

Öcalan has sent a petition to an Ankara court demanding his retrial in line with the European court ruling. Court authorities have received the petition, NTV said, but there was no information on how the officials are planning to proceed with the case.

Over the weekend police detained seven people as demonstrations calling for Öcalan's release turned violent in Istanbul and Antalya.

In Istanbul demonstrators in a group of about 250 pelted police with Molotov cocktails and stones in the Gaziosmanpasa district, Anatolia news agency said.

Riot police in armored vehicles used tear gas to break up the rally and arrested five people.

In the southern city of Antalya Öcalan supporters also clashed with police, and two people were arrested.

In Izmir on the western coast, another demonstration went off peacefully, the Anatolia news agency asaid.

The PKK and its sympathizers have often denounced Öcalan's isolation and staged violent protests calling for his removal from solitary confinement on Imrali Island.

2. - Bianet - "The Most Touchy Apparatus: The Turkish State":

In 2005 157 cases were opened against for expressions of ideas, 29 people stood trial on grounds of article 301, 17 for "influencing the court decision," 15 on grounds of article 216; the media was fined 1, 491, 594 new Turkish liras in damages.

ISTANBUL / 14 February 2006 / by Erol Onderoglu

The seven months that passed after the new Turkish Penal Code (TCK) went into effect, have proved that the human rights activists who fight for freedom of expression in Turkey were right in criticizing this law.

In the second half of the year, the government's and state's intolerance became obvious in the events of criticism against the Turkish identity, state institutions such as the Security Forces or Armed Forces, or discussions of human rights issues such as torture or extra-judicial killings or historic issues.

157 people before courts in freedom of expression cases

"The Network for Monitoring and Covering Media Freedom and Independent Journalism" - BIA² Media Monitoring Desk released three separate Three-Monthly Media Monitoring Reports in 2005 and drew attention to the cases brought against journalists, intellectuals, publishers and human rights activists. According to these reports, all of the 157 journalists, publishers, and human rights activists called attention to the juridical practices in cases opened against them and said everyone who states and opinion or makes a criticism, may face a prison sentence.

The 39-page report covers 200 cases and the situations of 319 journalists, writers and human rights activists under the titles of, "attacks and threats," "detentions and arrests," "cases and attempts," "European Court of Human Rights," "RTUK practices," "regulations and seeking rights," and "Reactions to censorship."

29 people charged under article 301

A total of 29 journalists, writers and publishers have been taken to court on grounds of article 301 of the TCK on "insulting the Turkish identity, Republic, and the institutions of the State." Some trials are still continuing. Local courts have convicted eight people in these cases.

Journalist Rahmi Yildirim, who was acquitted by a local court has appealed the decision of acquittal and thus has not yet been absolved.

Within the year 2005, local courts have handed out a total fine of 12,900 new Turkish liras (USD 9,700), 900 new Turkish liras (USD 677) of which was deferred, and a total prison term of 4 years, 1.5 years of which was deferred to radio employee Sabri Ejder Ozic, writer Emin Karaca, journalist Hrant Dink, writer Zulkuf Kisanak, publisher Fatih Tas, Cagri magazine owner Aziz Ozer and magazine reader Erkan Akay.

New charges against 17 journalists: Interfering with the court decisions

17 journalists, who discussed current human rights issues, such as the Kiziltepe case, the cancellation of the Ottoman Armenians Conference, and Torture case, through their reports or articles, are being charged with "Influencing the court decision," and "Attempting to Influence Fair Trial," based on the Press Law and the Penal Code.

Ender Can Cevahir, Fehmi Koru, Mehmet Sucu, Ilhan Selcuk, Ibrahim Yildiz, Ilhan Tasci, Alper Turgut, Hrant Dink, Aydin Engin, Serkis Seropyan, Arat Dink, Hasan Cemal, Murat Belge, Haluk Sahin, Erol Katircioglu and Ismet Berkan face fines or prison sentences if found guilty in these trials.

15 people taken to court based on article 216

15 journalists and/or human rights activists have been taken to court in 2005 based on article 312 of the old TCK on "hidden incitement of crime," or article 216 of the new TCK on "inciting hatred and enmity or humiliation." Some of these cases will continue through 2006.

Professor Doctor Ibrahim Kabaoglu, the former head of the Prime Ministry Human Rights Advisory Board, and Board member Professor Doctor Baskin Oran face five years in prison for the Minority Rights and Cultural Rights Working Group Report released in October 2004. Kabaoglu and Oran are charged based on both article 216/1 and 301/2.

A Bagcilar court has rejected the Supreme Court of Appeals' decision to overturn a penalty handed to writer Cemil Tokpinar of the 'Yeni Asya' (New Asia) newspaper for writing "Earthquake is a Godly Warning." Writer Tokpinar, who had been charged based on article 312, was found guilty based on article 216 too. The one-year prison sentence handed out to the writer has been commuted to a fine of 7,300 new Turkish liras (USD 5,490).

12 journalists stand 'terrorism' trials, four stand 'Ataturk' trials and five stand 'Mafia' trials

12 journalist-writers are being charged with 'disseminating terrorist propaganda' based on TCK or the anti-Terrorism Law. Among these journalists are Radikal reporter Nese Duzel, Hurriyet reporter Sebati Karakurt, journalist Ertugrul Mavioglu and ATV producer Ali Kirca.

Four people are being charged with violating the Law On Crimes Committed Against Ataturk No: 5816, while five people are standing trial for reports on the Mafia.

Journalists sued for a total of 1,491,592 new Turkish liras in compensation

Journalists are facing a total of 1,491,594 new Turkish liras (USD 1,120,000) in more than 30 compensation cases, generally brought by individuals working in public posts and by politicians.

The 40,000 new Turkish lira (USD 30,080) compensation case opened by Prime Minister Erdogan against the "Penguen" magazine for violating his personal rights is still continuing. The 20,000 new Turkish lira (USD 15,000) compensation case brought against the magazine by Culture and Tourism Minister Atilla Koc is also continuing in an Ankara court.

The Supreme Court of Appeals has overturned the decision of an Ankara court, which had ruled Sefer Selvi, the caricaturist for the "Gunluk Evrensel" (Daily Evrensel) newspaper has to pay 10,000 new Turkish liras (USD 7,500) in compensation for a caricature which went along with an article titled, "AKP's deep head."

Prime Minister Erdogan had sued "Cumhuriyet" (Republic) newspaper caricaturist Musa Kart for a drawing, and Gaziantep "Zaman" (Time) newspaper columnist Halil Eyupoglu for an article on Cyprus, saying his personal rights had been violated and asking for damages. The prime minister had won those cases. In a separate damages suit Erdogan brought against the "Sakarya" newspaper for the same Musa Kart caricature, an Eskisehir court ruled: "the said caricature, which makes irony through humor and photomontage, is within the limits of criticism and thus is found to be in line with law. Mr. President, who has served in prison for a long time because of a poem, should be more tolerant towards such criticism." The court refused the suit.

A local court is hearing the witnesses in the damages case the MOPAK Company brought against the "Guney Ege" (Southern Aegean) newspaper in Mugla. The company has asked for 300,000 new Turkish liras (USD 226,000) in damages. The newspaper had claimed that the company pollutes the environment and disregards the rights of its employees.

Memik Horuz still in prison

Less number of journalists were arrested in 2005, compared to the previous year: A total of six media employees were imprisoned. Among them was DIHA reporter Birol Duru, who was released after spending 4.5 months in prison. The rest were released along with three other media employees who had been arrested the previous year. In 2004, 15 journalists had been sent to prison, and a total of eight had been released. Three of the eight had been arrested during the previous years.

According to the report, only Memik Horuz, the general manager of the "Isci-Koylu" (Laborer-Villager) magazine is in prison at the moment for journalistic activities. Cengiz Dogan, the head of the "Mavi" (Blue) and "Kent" (Town) newspapers published in Nusaybin, is at the Mardin E-type prison for "disseminating terrorist propaganda" and "praising the crime and the criminal" by publishing PKK statements.

Suleyman Tekin, the general manager of the same magazine, had been arrested on August 31, for attending a demonstration staged when the body of a killed Syrian PKK militant was being sent back to his country. Tekin was released in the beginning of November.

Less detentions, more violence against journalists

Only seven reporters were detained in 2005, compared with a total of 53 in 2004. DIHA reporter Kadir Ozbek, and Tunceli reporter Rustu Demirkaya were detained while covering the return of private Coskun Kirandi, who had been kidnapped by PKK. DHA reporter Ferit Demir, and Anatolia Agency reporter Haydar Toprakci were detained on August 4. The journalists were also sued for "disseminating terrorist propaganda."

However, the decrease in the number of detentions was not followed by a decrease in violence against journalists and media organizations:

In 2004, a total of 20 journalists, covering demonstrations and two media companies were attacked. In 2005, a total of 22 journalists and 16 media companies were attacked.

A group of Karsiyaka Sport Club fans raided the "Ege TV" (Aegean TV) studios in Izmir. The group, chanting slogans, injured four people and caused damage. Also, guns were fired at the offices of the "Cagdas Kars Haber" (Contemporary Kars News) newspaper on the night of December 1. The printing office of the local "Odak" (Focus) newspaper in Afyonkarahisar was bombed.

At least five Internet sites were also attacked: internethaber.com, the Web sites of the "Soz" (Word) newspaper in Diyarbakir, the "Ulkede Ozgur Gundem" (Free Agenda in the Country) newspaper, the monthly online magazine "Iktidarsiz" (Impotent) and the weekly "Agos" newspaper were hacked.

Another thing revealed by the report was the fact that the cases brought by journalists who were attacked, detained or threatened, against the police, paramilitary police or other security forces, do not lead to a positive result.

ECHR fined Turkey 757, 955 new Turkish liras in damages in 2005

The fines the European Court of Human Rights handed Turkey in 2004 in cases about journalist murder, freedom of expression and free trial, increased when compared with the fines handed in 2004: while in 2004, Turkey paid 224,000 new Turkish liras (USD 168,000) in damages, in 2005, it was fined to pay 757,955 new Turkish liras (570,000) in cases opened by 46 individuals, 12 of whom were journalists.

The ECHR, through its rulings, penalized implementations of the former State of Emergency Law, the State Security Courts, the Assembly and Demonstration Law No: 2911, and the Anti-Terrorism Law. The three Conditional Amnesty Laws passed up until the year 2000 was regarded as placing ipotek on the freedom of expression.

RTUK delays Kurdish broadcasts; Kurdish remembered only during EU negotiations

Zahid Akman, the head of the Radio and Television Higher Board (RTUK), had stated during the year-end meeting that local and regional media companies, that have been waiting for permissions to broadcast Kurdish programs, would be able to initiate those broadcasts in January 2006. However, 12 media organizations have still not received the go-ahead.

Cemal Dogan, the general manager of the Gun TV in Diyarbakir, who has been waiting for permission for the Kurdish broadcasts since January 25, 2004, when the related regulation went into effect, believes they are being put off.
Less censorship by RTUK

RTUK had ordered Adana Radyo Dunya (Radio World) off the air for 30 days for "disseminating separatist propaganda" and "inciting hatred and enmity" by promoting a book. RTUK reevaluated on November 23, 2005 the broadcast monitoring reports of August 2004, and ordered Ankara Radyo Imaj (Radio Image) off the air for the same reason.

RTUK, has suspended a total of 25 programs for violating broadcasting principles outlined in article 4 of Law No: 3984. 17 programs were suspended once, two programs twice and six programs for three times.

RTUK, which suspended programs for 44 times, handed out 242 warnings to local and national media and asked for defense 69 times, applied less censorship in 2005: According to the RTUK Web site, except the program penalties, defense was required in 67 cases, and 186 warnings were handed out. Four television channels were fined.

RTUK, which handed out most penalties for programs that "negatively affect children," in 2004, did not change its attitude in 2005: 20 national television channels gave defense statements, 33 received warnings, programs in nine television channels were suspended, and four were fined.

In 2004, a total of 27 television channels had given defense statements, 15 had their programs suspended, and a total of 48 media companies, five of which were local, received warnings for the same reason.

3. - Bianet - "FIDH Express Concern For Academics on Trial":

The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and its member organisations in Turkey expressed deep concern for Turkish academics Oran and Kaboglu who are charged under Article 301 for a minority report they prepared for the Turkish Prime Ministry.

LONDONDON / 14 January 2006

The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and its member organisations in Turkey, the Human Rights Association (IHD) and the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (HRFT) expressed are deep concern "about the possible sanctions which hang over Mr. Ibrahim Kaboglu and Mr. Baskin Oran, Turkish academics who have coordinated a report on minority rights released in October 2004 and carried out under the auspices of the Human Rights Advisory Board, a State body which reports to the Office of the Prime Minister."

In a public statement FIDH and IHD said:

"On 15 February 2006, Mr. Kaboglu, former head of the Human Rights Advisory Council, and Mr. Oran, member of this Council, will appear before the Ankara Penal Court of First Instance. They have been charged under Articles 216/I and 301/II of the new Penal Code, for "inciting hatred and enmity" and "humiliation of the courts authority"; they face 18 months to five years in prison.

"In 2004, a Minority and Cultural Rights Commission was established under the presidency of Baskin Oran to function under the Human Rights Advisory Council headed by Mr. Kaboglu. A report on cultural and minority rights was written by the chairman of the Commission Baskin Oran. When the report calling on Turkey to grant more rights to minorities, as well as to overhaul its approach to national identity, was released in October 2004, it reportedly provoked a lively debate within Turkey. An investigation was subsequently launched against the author of the report and the chairman of the Council, claiming that their positions were untenable, in violation of Art. 15 (3) of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights ratified by Turkey in September 2003, which stipulates that "the State parties (. . . ) undertake to respect the freedom indispensable for scientific research (. . . )".

"This case is an additional example of infringement upon freedom of expression, a flagrant violation of international standards and, in particular of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights which was ratified by Turkey in September 2003. Our organisations reiterate their deepest concern regarding the multiplicity of legal actions aiming at punishing those who exercise freedom of expression and, in particular, the frequent use of Article 301 of the revised Turkish Penal Code on the denigration of "Turkishness", the Republic, and the foundation and institutions of the State, to prosecute non-violent critical opinions (1).

"On 7 February 2006, the trial of five journalists of the Radikal and Milliyet newspapers, charged with criticising the Istanbul administrative court's ban of a university conference about the Armenian question, started before the Court of Bagcilar district. The trial has been postponed to 11 April. Four of the charged journalists are being prosecuted under Art. 301 of the Turkish Penal Code and they face six months to ten years of imprisonment.

"Our organisations welcome the fact that, on 22 January 2006, the Orhan Pamuk case was dismissed by the first instance court of Sisli. On 9 February 2006, Mr. Hrant Dink and Mr. Sehmuz Ülek, vice-President of Mazlum-Der, a Turkish human rights organisation, accused of "insult to the Turkish State" for statements they made during a conference held in Mazlum-Der Urfa branch in December 2002, were finally acquitted on the grounds that the elements of crime were not material. Nevertheless, on 25 December 2005, Mr. Dink was again charged, with three of his colleagues of Agos magazine, of "attempting to influence the judiciary". This accusation followed a column published in the magazine which criticized a sentence pronounced against Hrant Dink on 7 October 2005.

"Our organisations urge the Turkish authorities to take all necessary measures to ensure respect for freedom of expression and, in this regard, to amend the relevant domestic legislation, particularly Articles of the Penal Code and among them Art. 301, which constitutes a threat to freedom of expression, in violation of Turkey's international legal obligations.

4. - The New Anatolian - "Key case on human rights report to start":

ANKARA / 14 February 2006 / by Nursun Erel

Trial of Professors Oran and Kabaoglu, who led group of academics preparing human rights report, are accused of provoking the public and could get 5 years in prison

Professor Oran's defense, much like lesson on human rights and liberties, accuses prosecutor of 'representing anti-democratic ideology’ and decries case as scandal that humiliates Turkey before whole world

Oran: They even dare to accuse us of selling pornography, technically the accusations are nonsense

An Ankara court is set to take up tomorrow a much-publicized case of two academics who last year prepared a human rights report on the status and rights of minorities and are now charged with "provoking the Turkish people."

The critical case of Professors Baskin Oran and Ibrahim Kaboglu starts tomorrow in Ankara at the 28th Criminal Court of First Instance. The two, who prepared the "Human Rights Report of Turkey" on the situation of minorities, are accused of provoking the Turkish people and spreading enmity between the citizens of Turkey. If convicted they could get prison terms of five years.

The prosecution is proceeding on the basis of the new Turkish Penal Code's (TCK) controversial Article 301, which was also used in the cases of author Orhan Pamuk and journalist Hrant Dink.

The controversial episode started when Professor Baskin Oran, known for his works on minorities in Turkey, was invited three years ago by the Prime Ministry’s Human Rights Advisory Committee to coordinate and prepare the "Human Rights Report of Turkey" related to minority issues. Later he became the head of the committee. The report, prepared in 18 months, was about to be published but it was protested by some committee members. The Prime Ministry also withdrew its official partnership in that initiative too.

Oran’s defense

The 37-page defense of Professor Baskin Oran, obtained by the TNA, accuses the prosecutor of "representing anti-democratic ideology in Turkey" and accuses him of being ignorant about the most important issues of the country.

Some parts of Oran’s defense are as follows:

"One day I received an official letter (from the Prime Ministry), which told me that I was appointed as a human rights expert to the committee. In the public act that accompanied the letter, our duty was outlined as developing human rights. So we took it seriously and established 13 different working groups. One of them aimed to investigate minority rights and cultural rights in Turkey. So we prepared our report but now we're being criticized and they even want us to be jailed for five years for our efforts."

"I have to emphasize one of the documents in the indictment because it shows very well the prosecutor’s outlook. The document says, ‘The suspects have been recorded selling pornographic CDs.' But nowhere is it said who accused us of this. So what can we see from such an indictment? Won’t some people think of us as pornography peddlers? So this is an example of the technique of the prosecutors preparing their indictment."

"That’s why I have to declare the anti-democratic ideology of the prosecutor here. I will do this for two reasons. First I owe this to myself. For the last 37 years, at the university I've taught my students to take a stand against anti-democratic ideology. I also owe this to Turkey. Because even before the start of the trial, this accusation humiliated Turkey in the eyes of world."

Article by article

Oran went through each article to demonstrate why the accusations do not reflect the truth. Excerpts of this follow:

1. This is not an accusation but a creation of new guilts.
2. The indictment is all about so-called accusations, as it lacks the necessary proofs.

3. In fact this is a kind of a fantastic dream book. The prosecutors must have prepared it while slumbering and dreaming.

4. Also this is full of false accusations.

5. This whole indictment is full of abuse and humiliation. Because after a 10-month period of preparation, such a shabby indictment is coming out.

The accusation says that the Prime Ministry doesn’t have any relation to the committee except for paying its expenses.

The public act I mentioned before is based on a decree called "The Administrative Duties of the Prime Ministry," and it says all the expenses of the task force will be covered by the Prime Ministry. The name of our committee is "The Prime Ministry Human Rights Advisory Committee." So if our committee doesn't fall under the Prime Ministry, is it a part of the Directory of Electricity or Water?

In the other part of his defense, Oran gave various examples from Treaty of Lausanne-related articles of minority rights in Turkey and accuses the prosecutor of being ignorant of them:

‘The prosecutor claims Muslim citizens are the primary elements of the state and that non-Muslims are accepted as secondary. I wonder if the prosecutor is aware that this is a crime in itself -- by sowing separatism among the citizens of Turkish state. This reminded me of a prosecutor’s indictment in the 1980s.

"I’m an academic; I can express all my opinions without being provocative, rude or violent, that's why I’m on the payroll of the Turkish state."

"I didn’t commit a crime, but the prosecutors are committing three different crimes here with their indictment:

"1. Abuse: Because it’s not a crime, criticizing the verdicts of the Supreme Court. But the prosecutor is trying to silence us just because we don’t share the same ideology. This is a crime reflecting the dictatorship ideology.

"2. Neglect of their responsibilities: Because in their accusation one of my articles is also accused of being proof of a crime. In fact that article was published long ago and parts of it even appeared in the Supreme Court’s almanac. So they should go to the court at that time.

"3. Humiliation of law: They are humiliating the Supreme Court also."

5. - Reuters - "Turkish court rejects PM's lawsuit over cartoons":

ANKARA / 14 February 2006

A Turkish court on Tuesday rejected a claim for damages by Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan against a satirical magazine for publishing cartoons of his head on the bodies of animals.
Erdogan, who has fired off several lawsuits against magazines alleging they had insulted him, sued the weekly Penguen for 40,000 lira ($30,170) for publishing drawings of his face attached to a frog, a monkey, a giraffe and other animals.

The state-run Anatolian news agency said Judge Beyhan Azman rejected Erdogan's argument that the cartoons violated his individual rights.

Erdogan, once jailed for reciting a religious poem deemed to be an attack on the state, has come under fire from the media and from the European Union, which Turkey aims to join, for taking legal action against cartoonists and journalists.

The EU wants Turkey to expand and protect press freedoms. Several journalists face possible jail sentences for insulting state institutions or 'Turkishness' under the country's revised penal code.

Last year, Erdogan successfully sued a cartoonist for making fun of the government's difficulty in passing laws by portraying him as a cat entangled in a ball of yarn.

The cartoonist, Musa Kart, was convicted of 'publicly humiliating' Erdogan and ordered to pay damages of 5,000 lira. Penguen published its animal cartoons of Ergodan as a gesture of support for Kart.

However, an appeals court overturned a fine imposed on the leftwing daily Evrensel for publishing a cartoon depicting Erdogan as a horse being ridden by one of his advisers.

6. - The Washington Post - "Two Allies, Two Angles":

New Film in Turkey, America's '24' Reflect Uneasy Relations, Divergent Perspectives

ISTANBUL / 14 February 2006 / by Karl Vick

In "Valley of the Wolves: Iraq," U.S. soldiers shoot small children at point-blank range, harvest kidneys from Iraqi prisoners for shipment to Tel Aviv, blow a Muslim cleric out of his minaret and, to top it all off, display utter contempt for Turkish foreign policy. The feature film set a box office record in its first weekend, after opening in more theaters than any movie in Turkish history.

Meanwhile, the American television series "24" did not open at all in Turkey last fall, despite high ratings over the three previous seasons for agent Jack Bauer and the swashbuckling Counter-Terrorist Unit. The problem: In season four, the terrorists intent on destroying America were Turks.

"It's kind of like firing missiles at each other!" Yasar Aktas said of the pop culture war now playing between the United States and Turkey. The unemployed cook was one of 1.75 million people who saw "Valley of the Wolves" in its first six days in Turkey. It opened last week in Europe, where the U.S. Army issued a notice warning U.S. service members to stay away from affected multiplexes and "to avoid getting into discussions about the movie with people you don't know."

That two NATO allies that often speak of mutual respect regard each other so darkly on-screen says a good deal about the uneasy state of relations between Turkey and the United States, each of them proud, a bit insular and deeply concerned about the war in Iraq. But as protests roil an Islamic world deeply offended by caricatures of the prophet Muhammad, whose depiction the faith forbids, the state of entertainment in Muslim Turkey also offers a lesson in how easy it remains for cultures to talk past each other, even -- perhaps especially -- in an era of global satellite communication. It's hard seeing eye to eye when perspectives are profoundly different.

None of the atrocities in "Valley of the Wolves," for instance, shocked Ulas Aker in the least.

"These are things we knew were going on anyway," the cafe owner said, pulling on his suit coat as he emerged from a Thursday matinee in downtown Istanbul, where the movie was playing in 63 of the city's 72 theaters.

U.S. troops strafing an Iraqi wedding? It was two years ago that Turkish newspapers splashed news of an aerial bombardment of a wedding that U.S. commanders insisted was a gathering of insurgents. "Johnny, this is not the chief terrorist," the daily Sabah wrote sarcastically, beside a photo of a musician. "They call him santor . He makes music."

Organ harvesting? Aker said he had heard rumors, and in the movie's surgery scenes, a stocky female American soldier strips Iraqi soldiers for stacking in a human pyramid.

If anything weighed on Aker as he left the theater, it was the movie's pace.

"We both thought there'd be more action," said his companion, Erkan Basyildiz, 26. "I was completely addicted to the series."

The TV series that inspired the movie was distinctly Turkish. Its protagonist, Polat Alemdar, was an agent of Turkey's "deep state," the elusive, quasi-fascist network said to remain permanently in Turkey's official establishment while elected governments come and go. The deep state sees its mission as guarding Turkey's national essence, even if that means commingling with unsavory elements in ways that could only be guessed at until, as actually happened in 1996, the passengers involved in a car wreck turned out to include a police commander, a mafia chief and a former beauty queen. On the TV show, Polat once kissed Sharon Stone.

He moved to the big screen to avenge the notorious events of July 4, 2003, which went largely unnoticed in the United States. That day U.S. troops arrested a team of Turkish special forces in northern Iraq. The Turks were smuggling arms to ethnic brethren squared off against the Kurds, who were allied with U.S. forces already deeply miffed at Turkey for denying the U.S. 4th Infantry Division an invasion route from the north. Photos of handcuffed Turks with bags over their heads deeply humiliated and angered the Turkish public.

"This attack is not against us but against the Turkish nation," one Turkish commander intones in the film. Another blows his brains out in shame.

But the film also reflects deep skepticism about U.S. intentions, which opinion polls show is common among Muslim countries. In one scene, a man wearing the black coat, fedora and earlocks of a Hasidic Jew gets up and walks out of a restaurant moments before Polat reveals that the place is wired to explode. The moment slyly evokes not one but two conspiracy theories often heard in Muslim societies: that no Jews died in the World Trade Center because they had warning, and that Israeli agents are hard at work in northern Iraq, helping the Kurds.

The villain is an U.S. Special Forces commander (Billy Zane) who keeps a mural of the Last Supper on his office wall and declares, "I am the son of God." His snarling, homicidal A-team, wearing gold chains and mohawks, are only the most aggressive Americans in a movie that relentlessly reinforces the image of the United States as a country in love with killing.

"Unfortunately, that is the perception, rightly or wrongly, and this perception is fueled by the European perception as well, which is not too much different," said Mehmet Ali Birand, a prominent Turkish columnist and anchorman, who said he admired the filmmakers. "They have played with the inner feelings, unsatisfied feelings of Turkish public opinion, and they are making money."

Yet Turkish audiences also flocked to "24," the sleekly breathless Fox network series -- starring Kiefer Sutherland as an anti-terrorism agent -- that is anchored firmly in the premise that it is America that's under attack.

The first three seasons aired in Turkey on CNBC-e, which like several private channels here relies on American series and movies for the bulk of its programming. Most of the shows air here at least a year after appearing in the States. Last year, that lag was filled by the complaints of Turks living in the United States, incensed that last season's terrorist conspiracy was quickly traced to Ankara.

"Is this the way your network treats our allies and friends?" Fulya Ziegler, a viewer of Turkish descent, wrote Fox.

Compounding the offense, the apparently Turkish characters were played by Hispanic and Iranian actors. And one episode equated the Arabic and Turkish alphabets, even though Turkish is written in Roman letters. (The devil really is in the details. In "Valley of the Wolves: Iraq," the helmets on U.S. troops look like thimbles, their Humvees have acquired power windows, and the sign at a base entrance reads not "Dim Brights" but "Turn Off the Far Light.")

"It is impossible not to look for a hidden intent in this, especially after the recent developments," a Turkish national asserted on an Internet message board CNBC-e set up to help decide what to do about "24." Based on the negative comments, the station opted against airing the series last autumn.

But channel spokeswoman Siren Uludag said that decision was reviewed after other viewers piped up to say they had grown attached to the series. One viewer pointed out that the terrorists who detonated four car bombs in Istanbul in 2003 were, after all, Turks.

"We decided to air the series at the end of March," Uludag said.

Completing the exchange, the producers of "Valley of the Wolves: Iraq," with a budget of $10 million the most expensive film ever made in Turkey, say it will be released in the United States at some point. The film's on-screen credits are in English, as is a version of its Web site, http://www.kurtlarvadisiirak.com/ .

One thing the site also featured -- but quickly removed -- was an advertisement offering help obtaining U.S. residency.

7. - Eurasianet - "Turkey Confronts Geopolitical Dilemma Concerning Iranian Nuclear Research":

14 February 2006 / by Yigal Schleifer and Mevlut Katik

The crisis surrounding Iran’s nuclear program is forcing Turkey to confront a tangled geopolitical dilemma. While Ankara has no desire to see the emergence of a nuclear-armed Iran, Turkish officials at the same time cannot afford to alienate Tehran.

As international diplomatic activity surrounding Iran’s nuclear program intensified in recent months, Turkey mostly remained on the sidelines. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. Yet, debate on Turkey’s role in the Iranian nuclear discussions widened, analysts say. Broader debate is now showing signs of prompting a more active Turkish official stance on the Iranian nuclear issue.

"My sense is that the Turkish strategic community, after some years of wariness, but not deep concern, is now paying attention to the proliferation risks," says Ian Lesser, a public policy scholar at the Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington, D.C. who specializes in Turkey and security issues in the Mediterranean. "There is much more of a debate in Turkey now then there had been because it’s not a theoretical issue anymore."

At a mid-January press conference, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan urged Iran to adopt a more "moderate and amenable" approach in negotiations over its nuclear program. "The continuation of Iran’s nuclear program for peaceful ends is a natural right, but it is impossible to support it if it concerns [the development] of weapons of mass destruction," Erdogan said.

Ankara has welcomed in recent weeks a bevy of visiting US officials, including CIA Director Porter Goss, FBI Director Robert Mueller and Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice. In addition, Israel’s chief of staff, Lt. Gen. Dan Halutz, was a recent visitor. According to published reports in European and Turkish media, a central aim of all the visits was to help define Turkey’s role in containing Iran’s nuclear ambitions. Meanwhile, the head of Turkey’s National Security Council, Yigit Alpogan, visited Washington in late January, saying that Ankara was "disturbed" by the lack of transparency surrounding Iranian nuclear research.

"There is an understanding between the United States and Israel and Turkey on the perception that Iran may become a threat if it develops nuclear weapons. There is also a common understanding with the rest of the world that [Iranian president Mahmoud] Ahmedinejad is becoming a dangerous leader with his very provocative and aggressive statements," said political analyst Sami Kohen.

"As far as that is concerned, there is common ground," Kohen added. "But the question is how do you deal with the problems, and that’s where the differences are."

Turkish Foreign Ministry spokesman Namik Tan said a recent briefing that Turkey repeatedly has sent anti-proliferation messages to Iran "at appropriate times." EU officials have welcomed such initiatives. In early February, for example, French Foreign Minister Philippe Douste-Blazy said the EU has "an interest in seeing the Turks give [diplomatic] messages to the Iranians, especially at a time when a firm reaction is necessary."

Turkey also appears to taking action to help restrict Iran’s nuclear ambitions. On February 10, the Milliyet daily reported that a joint operation conducted by the CIA and Turkish intelligence led to the confiscation of three large containers of aluminum at the Turkish-Iranian border. Turkish officials evidently suspected the materials, which originated in Italy, could potentially be used by Iranian nuclear researchers.

Turkey and Iran share a 310-mile (499 kilometer) border, and both Turkish and Iranian diplomats like to point out that the two Muslim neighbors have been a peace for centuries. But Turkish analysts say that peace is based on a delicate balance of military power -- one that would be upset if Iran obtained nuclear weapons.

"The bottom line is that Turkey can’t accept an Iran with nuclear weapons. A nuclear weapons-capable Iran, or a nuclear-armed Iran is not in the interest of Turkey," says Mustafa Kibaroglu, an expert on nuclear non-proliferation issues at Bilkent University in Ankara.

The increasing international pressure on Iran comes at a time when the Turkish government has been working hard to improve relations with its neighbors, especially Iran. The last few years have seen Turkish-Iranian trade grow dramatically, reaching $4 billion in 2005. In 2000, bilateral trade turnover stood at roughly $1 billion.

The government’s emphasis on trade, says Kibaroglu, has helped create a division among Turkish policymakers on how to tackle the Iran question. "I don’t think officials agree among themselves what to do," he says. "The perception of the government, as far as I can see, doesn’t fit the perception of the military. The military is more skeptical of Iran’s intentions when compared to the politicians who run the country."

In considering their policy options, Turkish leaders are keenly aware that Iran has emerged as a major energy supplier to Turkey, currently providing a fifth of the country’s natural gas needs. Accordingly, Turkish officials are concerned that Iran might respond to any assertive Turkish move regarding the Tehran’s nuclear program by cutting off gas supplies. During a recent cold snap in Turkey, supplies of natural gas from Iran, used for heating homes and powering factories, were unexpectedly reduced by almost 80 percent. Iranian officials blamed the shortfall on technical problems and increased domestic demand. Yet some skeptical Turkish analysts, noting Iran’s ability to offer emergency gas supplies to Georgia during the same period, suggested that the reduction constituted a not-so-subtle warning by Iran, telling Turkey not to get deeply involved in action to curb Tehran’s nuclear research.

At the same time, Turkish officials, given Turkey’s status as an EU aspirant, cannot ignore Brussels. Turkish officials say they are trying to align their country’s position on the issue with that held by the EU, favoring a negotiated solution and attempting to carve out a mediator role for Ankara.

Some in Turkey are worried that if negotiations break down for whatever reason, there could be a push -- particularly from the United States – for military strikes against Iran. Under such a scenario, Turkey could find itself in a position similar to Ankara’s stance prior the 2003 invasion of Iraq, when it was forced to choose between its regional concerns and its developing Euro-centric foreign policy, and US strategic demands. The Turkish parliament’s decision not to allow temporary US military bases on Turkish soil caused a freeze in bilateral relations. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. One thing that the Turkish government and the military can agree on is steadfast opposition to any sort of military strike against Iran’s nuclear facilities. Such opposition is driven by fears that such action would only serve to destabilize the region.

The Wilson Center’s Lesser, who specializes in Turkey and security issues in the Mediterranean, says both Ankara and Washington have learned their lessons concerning past geopolitical misunderstandings. "I don’t think the United States has any assumptions about the Turkish willingness to facilitate a strike against Iran, especially after the Iraq experience," he said. "I think there is a lot of caution on both sides right now."

* Editor’s Note: Yigal Schleifer is a freelance journalist based in Istanbul. Mevlut Katik is a London-based journalist and analyst. He is a former BBC correspondent and also worked for The Economist group.

8. - OneWorld - "300,000 Syrian Kurds 'Buried Alive'":

WASHINGTON / 14 February 2006 / by Abid Aslam

They went to sleep as Syrians and woke up stripped of their citizenship and their rights to study, work, or marry as they wish.

Such was the fate of 120,000 Syrian Kurds who became people with no country in 1962, when they were purged from the Syrian population in a politically motivated one-day census, the Washington, D.C.-based humanitarian group Refugees International said in a new report Tuesday.

Today, their ranks have swollen to 300,000 and their plight is such that one Syrian Kurdish man interviewed by the group described it as ''like being buried alive.''

The report, ''Buried Alive: Stateless Kurds in Syria,'' urged the government in Damascus to make good on promises to resolve the problem and called on UN, U.S., and European Union officials to keep up pressure on the issue, which it said posed a threat to stability in Syria and the Middle East.

''Syria is denying its Kurdish population numerous fundamental human rights by refusing to address these issues of nationality,'' said Maureen Lynch, research director at Refugees International and the report's author.

''Although President Bashar Al-Assad has said that he wants to resolve this problem, few actions have been taken to reinstate nationality for the Kurdish people in Syria. As a result, stateless Kurds in Syria feel like they have been buried alive,'' she added.

The Kurds disowned in 1962 officially were branded ''foreigners'' but since they enjoyed citizenship nowhere else, they were condemned to statelessness. They have only spotty access to education, health care, and employment--rights enjoyed by other Syrians, the report said. They face difficulty in owning businesses and property.

''Even registering a marriage, traveling outside of the country or changing one's residence is a particular challenge for Syrian Kurds,'' Refugees International said. ''With few options left at their disposal, some stateless Kurds risk death, deportation and imprisonment by attempting to leave the country with false passports, or by paying human smugglers hefty fees.''

Those hardships are faced not only by the generation written off in 1962 but also by their heirs, the group's investigators found on a visit to Syria last October.

''After finishing university, the painful life began,'' said one man described as looking older than his stated age of 43 years.

''We saw our classmates and friends get jobs and buy houses,'' he said. Trained as a lawyer, he was forced to look for other work.

''As a result of our suffering, we wanted to ask for our rights. In many countries, even the animals have identification or a family card, at least a family tree. But people here do not treat stateless persons even as well as Europeans treat their animals,'' he said.

''Now I am 43 years old. I see all my friends who studied with me--doctors, lawyers, engineers, officers, or others who have identity or nationality go outside of the country and bring money back. I, my wife, and children work in a shop moving heavy appliances,'' he added. ''We arrange our life as we have money--maybe twice a month we buy meat.''

Yet, the man was among few stateless Syrian Kurds to attend university. The government recognizes Kurdish children's right to primary education but stateless Kurds face trouble getting into secondary school and college, according to Refugees International.

Stateless Kurds also are barred from government jobs and from practicing law or medicine. They are allowed to work in some, but not all, teaching and engineering jobs. Stateless Kurdish men cannot legally marry Syrian women, according to the report.

Kurds are barred from using their language in conversation, publications, and in the naming of their children. They face interrogation, detention, and torture, according to the report.

All this is the result of a 1962 census officially conducted to identify foreigners said to have crossed the border from Turkey illegally, Refugees International said. In fact, it added, the head-count formed part of a drive to 'Arabize' Syria's resource-rich northeast.

''To retain their citizenship, Kurds had to prove residence in Syria prior to 1945, but many Kurds with proof of residence lost their nationality anyway,'' the organization said.

The issue has haunted Syria and periodically has spilled over into public protest, regional uprisings and, in 2004, major race rioting sparked by a soccer match, according to rights watchdog Amnesty International.

Stateless Kurds have been further emboldened to push for citizenship and recognition as a major group within the country following the creation of a Kurdish autonomous zone in Iraq, Refugees International said.

Last November, Al-Assad publicly reiterated his intention to resolve the issue. A number of Syrian officials have said there is no crisis and that only a handful of Kurdish families live without official citizenship.

The estimated 300,000 stateless Kurds represent a portion of Syria's total Kurdish population. The size of that population--a politically prickly measurement--remains officially undetermined but estimates cited in the report put Kurds at 8-15 percent of Syria's national population of around 18 million people.

Restoring stateless Kurds' citizenship and rights should be a top priority, the document said.

''Only when the stateless Kurds in Syria have been fully nationalized and the broader issue of the Kurdish place in Syrian political, social, and economic life has been addressed can peace and security within Syria be realized,'' it concluded.