10 May 2005

1. "Öcalan verdict won't be end of world", the issue of the Öcalan verdict can easily be handled if it is not exploited, says Justice Minister Çiçek

2. "Kurdish rebels sow new fear in Turkey", the change began last June, when the PKK announced it was dissatisfied with the pace of change inside Turkey and with Ocalan's restricted access to his attorneys. Small guerrilla bands sneaked back across the heavily fortified Iraqi border. Reports of skirmishes began appearing again in Turkish newspapers.

3. "EU, Ankara exchange criticism on reforms, nationalism", the European Union expressed concern yesterday about the rising nationalism in Turkey and criticized recent suggestions by Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan that the EU would play a role in breaking the country into pieces by insisting on cultural rights.

4. "Ankara argues against mixing Turkey’s EU adhesion with constitution debate", Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul urged European Union (EU) countries on Monday to keep the question of Turkey’s membership separate from the thorny issue of the union’s new constitution in referendums scheduled in several EU states.

5. "Greek Cypriots ready to explore new talks:UN", Greek Cypriots have signalled they are ready for "exploratory talks" on resuming stalled negotiations with Turkish Cypriots on reunifying the divided island of Cyprus, the United Nations said on Tuesday.

6. "Antisemitism in the Turkish Media: Part 2", antisemitism in the Turkish media targets not only Jews in general, but also the Turkish citizens who are members of the small Jewish community of about 20,000 people. Increasingly, newspapers are accusing Turkish Jews of disloyalty, of betrayal, and of having hidden and sinister agendas. The Turkish media has recently blamed the Jews for espousing secularism and for espionage against Turkey.

1. - Turkish Daily News - "Öcalan verdict won't be end of world":

The issue of the Öcalan verdict can easily be handled if it is not exploited, says Justice Minister Çiçek

ANKARA / 9 May 2005 / by Yusuf Kanliy and Kemal Saydamer

Justice Minister and government spokesman Cemil Çiçek cautioned against exploitation of an upcoming European Court of Human Rights verdict on an appeal filed by Abdullah Öcalan, the imprisoned leader of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), and said the issue could easily be handled with a cool-headed approach.

Öcalan could be retried in Turkey as a result of the court ruling, but "this won't be the end of the world," Çiçek told the TDN in an exclusive interview.

Çiçek said the issue could be handled without difficulty if it were not exploited. “The issue should not be sacrificed to the posturing of certain people who have not adequately thought out the consequences.”

Expressing his confidence in the Turkish judiciary, Çiçek said the media has an important task in its coverage of the issue. “The media should cover it as an ordinary issue.”

Touching on criticism of the new penal code, especially vis-à-vis its limitations on freedom of the press, Çiçek said the media would be held accountable for the allegations it makes. “If a journalist accuses a certain individual of committing a crime, he or she will be held responsible for that claim,” said Çiçek, adding that newspapers accusing someone of a crime and presenting documentation to support it is not a crime.

2. - Washington Post - "Kurdish rebels sow new fear in Turkey":

Army on the offensive as fighters return from Iraq

PERVARI / 10 May 2005 / by By Karl Vick

Residents of this town nestled in the cliffs of southeastern Turkey counted 86 military vehicles lurching deeper into the mountains one day last month, with foot soldiers peering out. Overhead, Cobra attack helicopters stuttered across an epic blue sky laced by the contrails of F-16 warplanes.

The Turkish military was attacking a guerrilla army in its alpine camp.

The combined-arms assault here, sweeping a remote mountain stronghold by air and ground, was precisely the kind of offensive that Turkey has spent most of the last two years asking U.S. forces to mount in northern Iraq -- against the same rebel group. The Kurdistan Workers' Party, an armed group of Turkish Kurds that the State Department calls a terrorist group, maintains a large base in Iraq's Qandil range, about 200 miles north of Baghdad.

Although the Bush administration has vowed repeatedly to confront the PKK, as the guerrilla force is known, its fighters have not only continued to enjoy a haven in Iraq, they have begun returning in force to Turkey. And with them come reminders of a conflict that people here, after almost five years of peace, had begun to believe was over.

"And now we can't leave our houses. We are fearing again," said Metin Ozel, 43, who owns a service station in Pervari. "You feel lonely. You feel encircled. You feel stuck in the middle of nowhere with all these things happening around you."

The new fighting has mostly been like the mid-April assault on the PKK base near here, which the military later said resulted in the deaths of three soldiers and 24 guerrillas from a camp said to hold 350. In scope and intensity, it is several magnitudes below the civil war that raged here in the 1980s and '90s and claimed an estimated 30,000 lives, most of them civilians caught between soldiers or paramilitary fighters and PKK guerrillas.

‘Another conflict’

But memories of that conflict are still raw, and the prospect of renewed fighting is a matter of profound concern here. Some Kurdish activists fret that a return to arms would cost not only lives but also the fragile gains that Kurds have won since the fighting stopped.

"It looks like five years of a calm, peaceful environment are turning into another conflict," said Giyasettin Sehir, a playwright and activist in Diyarbakir, a provincial capital crowded both by displaced villagers and by the business travelers who have returned with the peace. "I can say the people definitely don't want armed struggle.

"Of course," he added, "there's a small minority in the population who are emotional, especially at funerals."

Sehir was sitting at a table in the Tigris and Euphrates Cultural Center, a combination cafe, performance space and rehearsal complex that embodies the changes in Turkey's southeast. The center exists for Diyarbakir residents to express their Kurdish heritage -- the language, music and customs that set them apart from the country's Turkish majority.

Modern Turkey was founded on the notion of "Turkishness," a rigid concept that made no accommodation for ethnic diversity. The country's estimated 14 million Kurds, who trace their ancestry to the mountains above the Mesopotamian plain rather than the steppes of Central Asia, were called "mountain Turks." The three letters that occur in the Kurdish alphabet but not in Turkish -- x, w and q -- were officially banned. Parents who gave their children Kurdish names were prohibited from registering them.

The impulse to insist on an ethnic identity helped give rise to the PKK, which mixed Kurdish aspirations with Marxist dogma, overlaid by the cult of personality encouraged by the PKK leader, Abdullah Ocalan.

The PKK's campaign for a Kurdish state in the Turkish southeast erupted into warfare in 1984. The conflict raged for 15 years, with both sides accused of widespread atrocities. But when Ocalan was captured in 1999, the PKK was paralyzed, called a cease-fire and retreated to northern Iraq, which Iraqi Kurds controlled under the protection of a U.S.- and British-enforced "no-fly" zone.

In Turkey, the "Kurdish question" shifted tracks, becoming bound up with Turkey's ardent desire to join the European Union.

To bring its laws into line with E.U. norms on human rights, Turkey eliminated the death penalty, sparing Ocalan's life. Parliament voted to allow the broadcast and private teaching of the Kurdish language. The Tigris and Euphrates Center, which three years ago was raided by Turkish police and intelligence agents almost daily, went weeks without an official visit.

"But the atmosphere is changing," said Sehir, who served 10 years in prison for a bit of street theater glorifying the PKK. "It's almost starting to feel like the early '90s again."

Rising tensions

The change began last June, when the PKK announced it was dissatisfied with the pace of change inside Turkey and with Ocalan's restricted access to his attorneys. Small guerrilla bands sneaked back across the heavily fortified Iraqi border. Reports of skirmishes began appearing again in Turkish newspapers.

In recent weeks, tensions have increased sharply. The spark was a widely publicized street demonstration in which a Kurdish teenager burned a Turkish flag, fueling a surge of Turkish nationalism that many Kurds fear will reverse momentum on legal reforms.

Already, "there is a strong resistance within the judiciary and the military against applying these laws," said Mihdi Perincek, who represents the Turkish Human Rights Association in the country's southeast. The association, which works closely with the E.U., had documented a reduction in reports of torture, detentions and other abuses by Turkish security forces last year. But the trend reversed after the E.U. voted in December to give Turkey what it wanted: a date to begin negotiations for membership.

"So we see the government was trying to protect its image until December 17," Perincek said, "and after that the numbers jumped."

In February, for example, the association fielded 120 complaints of torture in Turkey's 22 eastern provinces, more than one-third the total for all of 2004.

The U.S. refusal to move against the PKK in Iraq has fueled not only anti-Americanism in Turkey but also what opinion polls indicate is a core conviction that Turkey must act on its own because it has no reliable friends. In a recent speech, Turkey's top general, Hilmi Ozkok, complained that putting the PKK's "name on the list of terrorist organizations does not have any meaning in practice."

"Failure to take action so far," Ozkok added, "is thought-provoking."

U.S. officials insist they will get to the PKK eventually. But with American troops overstretched battling Arab insurgents in central Iraq, there is scant appetite to mount an offensive in the relatively quiescent north.

‘We must deal with the PKK’

"We agree that, over time, we must deal with the PKK," Gen. John P. Abizaid, head of the U.S. Central Command, said in the Turkish capital, Ankara, in January.

Analysts estimate that 6,000 PKK guerrillas remain in Iraq, while their numbers inside Turkey have swelled to 2,000. Most are believed to be scattered in caves and other mountain redoubts.

"It's not like we don't want this problem to be solved," said Haci Senci, 44, a member of the paramilitary "village guard" the government recruited more than a decade ago to fight the PKK and its supporters at the local level, a strategy that pitted neighbor against neighbor.

"We've been on duty nonstop for 14 years," Senci said, cradling a bare foot with his hand as he kept watch outside a stone hut on the main road into town, his AK-47 assault rifle within easy reach. "The closer to the border you get, the more clashes. When the nights get longer and the leaves grow, of course there'll be more clashes."

In town, a bus driver who declined to give his name looked into the mountains and then at his feet. "All we know," he said, "is this is not good."

3. - Turkish Daily News - "EU, Ankara exchange criticism on reforms, nationalism":

ANKARA / 10 May 2005 / by Fatma Demirelli and Elif Ünal Arslan

The European Union expressed concern yesterday about the rising nationalism in Turkey and criticized recent suggestions by Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan that the EU would play a role in breaking the country into pieces by insisting on cultural rights.

“The application of essential human rights is the centerpiece of the Copenhagen Criteria and the EU will never compromise on this point,” Dutch Ambassador Sjoerd Gosses said in a closed-door meeting that brought together Foreign Minister Abdullah Gül and EU ambassadors in Ankara. He said he hoped Turkish authorities would firmly renounce these suggestions.

Gül, on the other hand, warned the EU side of rising skepticism in the Turkish public, a sentiment which grows especially among the country's young who feel that the EU wants too much from Turkey. He also called on EU officials not to bring up the issue of signing a protocol extending Turkey's Customs Union deal with the EU to the 10 new members repeatedly, as if Turkey has not done its part.

Meanwhile, in an exclusive interview with the TDN, Justice Minister Cemil Çiçek said instead of concentrating on deficiencies in Turkey's reform process, the failure of the EU to keep the promises it made on the matter of Cyprus should be noted.

4. - AFP - "Ankara argues against mixing Turkey’s EU adhesion with constitution debate":

ANKARA / 9 May 2005

Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul urged European Union (EU) countries on Monday to keep the question of Turkey’s membership separate from the thorny issue of the union’s new constitution in referendums scheduled in several EU states.

"We hear speculations according to which a possible ’no’ would affect Turkey’s integration process in the union," Gul said in a speech before the ambassadors of EU members states.

"We deem this consideration unacceptable, inopportune and unfortunate," the minister was quoted by the Anatolia news agency as saying.

Several EU countries are to hold referendums on the EU constitution, including France on May 29.

Opinion polls there put the rival campaigns neck and neck, and most analysts agree that a French "no" vote would effectively kill the new EU constitution, designed to prevent decision-making gridlock in an expanding European bloc.

Politically it may also be seen as a public rejection of the EU’s overall strategy, including its landmark decision to start talks with Turkey.

Turkey first signed an association agreement with the EU’s precursor, the European Economic Community, in 1963. It was given the go-ahead for accession talks in December 2004, and negotiations are scheduled to start on October 3.

The talks are widely expected to last at least a decade, with many sceptics in the EU arguing that the populous and relatively poor Muslim nation should not be allowed into the bloc at all.

The EU constitution is to take effect on November 1, 2006, provided all EU member states ratify it either by parliamentary vote or by referendums.

5. - Reuters - "Greek Cypriots ready to explore new talks:UN":

NICOSIA / 10 May 2005

Greek Cypriots have signalled they are ready for "exploratory talks" on resuming stalled negotiations with Turkish Cypriots on reunifying the divided island of Cyprus, the United Nations said on Tuesday.

President Tassos Papadopoulos would send an envoy to United Nations headquarters in New York for discussions on how talks could resume, a U.N. spokesman said. It was not immediately clear when that would take place.

It would represent an easing in the impasse in negotiations over Cyprus, a crucial issue Turkey must resolve to improve its chances of joining the European Union.

Reunification attempts collapsed last year when Greek Cypriots rejected a U.N. power-sharing blueprint and subsequently joined the European Union in the name of the whole island. The U.N. plan was backed by Turkey and the minority Turkish Cypriots.

"Mr Papadopoulos confirmed he would be sending an envoy to the U.N. soon for exploratory talks. In light of the visit the secretary-general will decide on what further steps to take," a U.N. spokesman told Reuters in Nicosia.

6. - MEMRI - "Antisemitism in the Turkish Media: Part 2":

6 May 2005 / by the Middle East Media Research Institute

Antisemitism in the Turkish media targets not only Jews in general, but also the Turkish citizens who are members of the small Jewish community of about 20,000 people. Increasingly, newspapers are accusing Turkish Jews of disloyalty, of betrayal, and of having hidden and sinister agendas. The Turkish media has recently blamed the Jews for espousing secularism and for espionage against Turkey.

This antisemitism, in which Turkish nationalism and radical Islam find common ground, is of growing concern to some Turkish intellectuals. The following report addresses the views and concerns of those intellectuals:

Turkish Intellectuals Petition: "Zero Tolerance for Antisemitism"

In its October 2004 issue, the socialist Turkish magazine Birikim published a petition titled "Zero Tolerance for Antisemitism." The petition was signed by Muslim and non-Muslim intellectuals (see Appendix). The following are excerpts: [1]

"As long as a danger is not properly articulated, it cannot be fought against. On the contrary: Vague words only conceal the evil.

"We, the undersigned, wish to draw attention to the ever-present and steadily increasing antisemitism in Turkey, and to share our observations and concerns with all those who may be interested.

"The various historical examples of racist violence and discrimination against non-Turkish, non-Muslim, non-Sunni citizens of the Turkish Republic have, albeit to a limited extent, been pointed out and criticized, whereas antisemitism remains, with few exceptions, a subject which is met with silence, underestimation, or outright denial.

"The Twilight Zone

"[…] Publications have become vehicles for promoting confusion regarding concepts such as Nazism, fascism, Zionism, the Holocaust, genocide, etc., emptying these of their [true] content and blurring their differences. They debase the Holocaust by stripping it of its historical uniqueness, thus giving a green light to Holocaust denial.

"The historical specifics of antisemitism, its geographical pervasiveness, and its all-encompassing class, social, and cultural basis deserve to be dealt with as a separate issue. What we wish to point out is that a large sector of the Left, including human rights circles in Turkey, fail to include in their agenda antisemitism as a threat in its own right – and when forced to confront it, merely subsume it under the rubric of discrimination, and ignore its vehemence.

"This situation illustrates the fact that antisemitism is not limited to saluting Hitler but emerges in many different guises.

"Animosity Flows Through Open Channels"

"It seems obvious that when people cannot make sense of a complex world, they need to create and isolate ’enemy others.’ Historically Jews have been, and still are, the target of that ’need,’ and for this there is a name!

"Antisemitism today is most actively perpetrated by the Islamist press, a large segment of which has gone so far as to recklessly praise Adolf Hitler for his ’foresight.’ Concurrently, there has been an unprecedented array of publications and campaigns against so-called ’Sabbetaists,’ [2] whose Jewish roots are traced and emphasized in a manner reminiscent of the Nazi obsession with creating a ’pure race,’ targeting them as the evil-intentioned members of a secret sect which is integral to the ’Jewish plot to dominate the world.’

"This rising tide of antisemitism has been allowed to flow unhindered in the channels of the Islamist as well as the mainstream media, and to settle into Turkish daily life and discourse. It is now second nature to find a ’Jewish finger’ under every stone, and to invent various conspiracy theories with ’the Jew’ as the villain.

"We hereby proclaim our opposition to this unquestioned and pervasive pattern of antisemitic assumptions, and [likewise proclaim] our determination to attain ZERO TOLERANCE OF ANTISEMITISM, to become informed, to object, to write, to draw, to raise our voice, and to maintain solidarity with all who feel and think likewise."

Liberal Daily - "The National Ideology: Antisemitism"

Nese Duzel, of the left-of-center, liberal daily Radikal, interviewed Professor Ihsan Dagi and wrote the following in her column under the title "National Ideology: Antisemitism": [3]

"[…]We spoke to Prof. Dr. Ihsan Dagi of Middle East Technical University, Department of International Relations, who has published many books and articles on [subjects like] the Islamic identity, Westernization, global politics, human rights and who is an executive board member of the ’Liberal Thought Association’[…]:

Nese Duzel: " Turning to foreign issues: AKP [4] has an allergy to Israel. Is this because of the aggressive behavior of the Sharon government, or is it coming from [some] hidden antisemitic feelings?"
Professor Ihsan Dagi: "Recently in Turkey, great [political] gains are being made by [anti-] Sabbetaist, [anti-]Jewish and [anti-] D?nme [propaganda]. Those who fear everyone and everything, the nationalistic-conservative circles, Milli Gorus [5] [followers], pro-Third World Kemalists [and] leftists, [and] state- and security-centered sectors are all coming together thanks to the Sabbetai-related stories [conspiracy theories]. A new [national] alliance is being created. This is a search for a new national unity in Turkey. The conservative, religious segments that were alienated from the state-centered [secular] factors because of the February 28 [military intervention] are now joined with the cement of anti-Sabbetaist rhetoric."

Duzel:"Isn’t this antisemitism?"

Professor: "Of course this [is] antisemitism. It is a new and broad alliance against the Jews and the Donme, who are [allegedly] secretly plotting not only in the world but also in Turkey, who control Turkey and who need to be stopped. […] In this alliance you have groups from AKP, the Left, Kemalists, CHP, [6] Alevi, a whole world of people."

Duzel:"What are they trying to achieve by this antisemitic alliance?"

Professor: "In order for politics not to be reshaped by social dynamics, and to prevent the pluralization of the country, they claim that some people exist among us who are plotting and laying traps against Turkey. By doing so, they attain unity and homogeneity. They say, ’Look, there are people among us with [sinister] plans. Despite our differences, whether we are Kemalists, or religious, or leftist, we must unite.’ That is, a national unity ideology [attained] by Sabbetai stories. […]"

Liberal Daily: "Turkey’s Jews Aren’t Dhimmis [7] in Need of Tolerance or Protection"

An article by Turkish intellectual Rifat Bali, [8] titled "(In)tolerance to Antisemitism," was published in the left-of-center, liberal daily Radikal-2 and in the January 2004 issue of the socialist, intellectual magazine Birikim. The following are translated excerpts: [9]

"[…] In the recent past, some […] events led Turks, with the help of the media, to face up to some disturbing realities within their society. The spotlight came on, but soon it went off, and the incidents were all but forgotten, either because the agenda changed, or because the investigations dragged on without conclusion. I fear that, similarly, the repugnant reality of antisemitism, which was always present which has always been present in Turkey and came undeniably to the fore in the [November 15, 2003] synagogue attacks, [10] will also soon be forgotten...

"(In)tolerance to Antisemitism

"In the aftermath of the violence suffered in Istanbul on Saturday, November 15, Turkish society had the opportunity to confront face to face the antisemitism which is incorporated in the political Islamic movement. However, the political leaders, the media, the intellectual elite, the Israeli government, […] the Chief Rabbi and the secular leaders in his entourage as the representatives of the Turkish-Jewish community, [all] seemed determined to ignore that opportunity. Everyone apparently shared the view of the conservative and nationalist columnist Taha Akyol, who two days after the attacks wrote in Milliyet, ’there has never been antisemitism in Turkey in its racist or religious sense.’ [11]

"[…] In our day, a variety of racist and fascist conspiracy theories range from ’Mossad carried out the September 11 attacks on the Twin Towers’ and ’Sabbetaists are ruling Turkey together with the Zionists,’ and all the way to [the allegation] that the [synagogue] attacks of November 15 were carried out by Mossad and Israel.

"Instead of criticizing Israel in rational and realistic ways, some have made a litany of hate-spewing words towards the Jews a part of their daily language, hiding behind the slogan, ’we are not antisemitic, we are anti-Zionists, criticizing Sharon’s policies.’ What are those [if not antisemites]?

"[…] In recent years, not only in the Islamic sector, but in virtually all ideological variants, we have seen incessant discussions on the topic of D?nmes [Sabbetaists], ’decoding’ the names of individuals and ’exposing’ them as ’Jews.’ Isn’t this behavior a provocation to violence for raging fanatics against innocent persons whose ancestors are ’presumed’ to be Jewish?

"[…] The ones responsible for the November 15, 2003 violence are the government, the society, and the political, intellectual, cultural and media elite that turn a blind eye to these facts, and that do not enforce the relevant clauses of Turkish criminal law against such behavior. They shield themselves behind the argument of ’freedom of the press,’ legitimize and elevate antisemitic writers as ’enlightened,’ and refrain from stressing the antisemitic nature of the November 15 attacks, referring to them only as ’terrorism.’

"Every [Turkish] government since 1950 bears the responsibility for the situation we find ourselves in today. This is because they remained silent with regard to the hateful rhetoric against Jews, and took no steps to make the Jews feel like real Turkish citizens.

"Also responsible for this situation are the writers of yesteryears’ ’religious’, today’s ’Islamist’ media, and all ’opinion makers’ who, since the establishment of the State of Israel, have incessantly and untiringly engaged in a rhetoric of hatred against Jews and continue to poison the minds of the future generations. […]

"Prime Minister Recep Tayip Erdogan and the AKP government must publicly denounce [both] the antisemitic discourse of political Islam, from which he emerged and which he declared later to have abandoned, and those who insist on perpetuating such discourse.

"[…] Turkey’s Jews are not dhimmis in need of the tolerance and the protection of the Muslim majority. They are citizens of the Republic of Turkey. […]"

An American Jewish Activist on Antisemitism in Turkey

Rusen Cakir of the mainstream Turkish daily Vatan interviewed Barry Jacobs, the American Jewish Committee’s director of Strategic Studies in the Office of Government and International Affairs about antisemitism in Turkey. The following are excerpts: [12]

Vatan: "How do you assess the status of the Turkish-American relations?"

Barry Jacobs: "The relations are going through a difficult period. It would be exaggerated to say that this is a crisis, but in the past seven or eight months there have been serious problems. The American administration is disturbed by the increase in anti-American, anti-Western, anti-Israel, and antisemitic [trends] in Turkey, especially in the media."

Vatan: "We know you and the circles known as the ’Jewish lobby’ as ’friends of Turkey.’ Has this changed?"

Jacobs: "[…] The Jewish-American community has never lost the championship in ’support for Turkey’ to anyone. These people [American Jews] who have defended Turkey’s rights in the U.S. Congress and the administration are not [all] experts in foreign policy, but they do read the news and articles like the one by The Wall Street Journal editor Robert Pollock about the anti-Americanism in Turkey. Then they come to the Jewish organizations like ours and ask: ’Why are you still supporting that country?’"

Vatan: "Do you think anti-Americanism and antisemitism are at serious levels?"

Jacobs: "Yes, it’s very grave. In fact, this is due to the recent rise in nationalism in Turkey. We see this nationalism in the Turkish military which has a very deeply rooted relationship with the American military, [as well as] in the government and all the political parties […]"

Appendix

The petition was signed by the following (in alphabetical order):

Ridvan Akar, Taner Akçam, Dogan Akhanli, Mustafa Akyol, Ishak Alaton, Necmiye Alpay, Selim Amado, ?agatay Anadol, Nazmi Arif, David Arditi, Ergün Arslan, Hüseyin Aygül, Esin Ayral, Laleper Aytek, Rifat N. Bali, Beki Bardavid, Süleyman Bardavid, Ali Ihsan Basgül, Moiz Bayer, Lizi Behmoaras, Jacob Bensason, Jacques E. Botton, Nükte Devrim Bouvard, Cem Bozsahin, Fatma Mefkure Budak, Belgin Cengiz, Oral ?alislar, Hacer ?inar, Ahmet Dag, Hüseyin Dagdas, Gülder Demir, Hülya Demir, Aynur Demirdirek, Hülya Demirdirek, Seyda Demirdirek, Aycan Demirel, Fuat Dündar, Tevfit Erhat, Jak Esim, Jenny Eskinazi, Nesi Eskinazi, Yusuf Estroti, Mose Farsi, Hacer Yildirim Foggo, ?etin Gabay, Rezzan Gabay, Eli Gerson, Gamze Tokol Goldsman, Volkan Granit, Corry G?rgü, Refik Güllü, Ayse Günaysu, David Hasday, Emintelel Isikli, Yürük Iyriboz, Aydan Kalaçlar, Dina Karako, Sema Karaoglu, Isa Karatas, Asude Kayas, Erdal Kaynar, Gülay Kiliçdogan, Ergun Kirlikovali, Sevil Kivan, Kürsad Kiziltug, Burçe Klaynman, Hayim I. Krespin, M. Mustafa Kulu, Ahmet Kurt, Jaan Latif, Recep Marasli, Ceki Medina, Amy Mills, Gül A. Minci, Avram Mizrahi, Eti Motola, ?zcan Mutlu, Akin Olgun, Haluk Oral, Mordo Ovadya, Mentes Aziz Oz, Mahmut Esat Ozan, Ayse Oktem, Kerem Oktem, Ayse Onal, Canan Ozadam, Gencer Ozcan, Yelda ?zcan, Mehmet Mihri Ozdogan, Noyan Ozkan, Ester Ruben, Murat Ruben, Rafael Sadi, Selim Salti, Defne Sandalci, Selim Sanje, Fatma Sayman, Melih Sisa, Semra Somersan, Haldun Süral, Nora Seni, M. Orhan Tarhan, ?lfet Tayli, Sirin Tekeli, Sule Toktas, Saime Tugrul, Süreyya Turhan, Akil Ulukaya, Momo Uzsinay, Nessim Weissberg, Deniz Yücel, Ragip Zarakolu, and Yaprak Zihnioglu.

***

[1] Birikim (Turkey), October 2004.

[2] The Sabbetaists ( D?nme) are descendants of the Jewish followers of a self-proclaimed messiah, Sabbetai Sevi (1626-1676), who was forced by the sultan to convert to Islam in 1666. They consider themselves Muslims and officially are recognized as such. D?nme is the Turkish word for ’convert’ but it carries overtones of ’turncoat’ as well.

[3] Radikal (Turkey), February 28, 2005.

[4] The ruling AK (Justice and Development) Party.

[5] Milli Gorus is the movement of political Islam started by N. Erbakan, a former prime minister whose government resigned because of the intervention by the Turkish military on February 28, 1997. His three consequent political parties were shut down. Their current political party is SP, Saadet (Felicity) Party. AKP and PM Erdogan are offspring of this movement.

[6] CHP (Republican People’s Party) is the first political party of the modern Republic of Turkey, founded by M. Kemal Ataturk. This left-of-center, liberal, secularist party is currently the main opposition party.

[7] Dhimmi are non-Muslims who live in Islamic countries under Islamic law ( Shari’a ). They are protected under Islamic rules, yet are inferior, vulnerable, humiliated and degraded. (The modern, secular Republic of Turkey is not an Islamic country.)

[8] Bali, R.N. is a leading Turkish-Jewish historian/researcher who has published several books and articles on the history and the status of the Turkish Jews since the founding of the modern Republic of Turkey in 1923.

[9] Radikal-2 (Turkey), November 23, 2003.

[10] On November 15, 2003 two major synagogues in Istanbul were bombed simultaneously by Turkish Islamic terrorists, killing 26 people and wounding hundreds, most of them Muslim Turks who were in the vicinity.

[11] Milliyet (Turkey), November 17, 2003.

[12] Vatan (Turkey), April 4, 2005.