13 May 2003

1. "Turkey must not miss the opportunity for transition, DEHAP", Pro-Kurdish People's Democracy Party (DEHAP) leader Mehmet Abbasoglu believes that Turkey cannot stay outside the transition/reconstruction process that began in the post-Sept. 11 era. But he also underlines the fact that Turkey should finish its domestic problems and solve its Kurdish problem in order to become a regional force.

2. "The Israeli-Kurd nexus", twenty-five million Kurds form the largest ethnic community in the world without a state of their own. They are the largest non-Arab ethnic minority in the Arab world and the fourth largest ethnic group after Arabs, Turks and Iranians in the entire Middle East region. Many observers say that if there is a nation that deserves independence, it should be Kurds, who have common language, history, resistance, and urge for a separate state.

3. "U.S. risks losing Iraq in anarchy, Kurd says", Barzani's warning comes with arrival of new administrator.

4. "Cyprus enjoys its fragile honeymoon", a political cartoon in my local paper nicely sums up the current situation in Cyprus. It shows a United Nations helicopter hovering over a May Day demonstration on the Mediterranean island with one occupant peering down and asking the other: "Are they Greek or Turkish?" "We are Cypriots," the crowd yells up at them.

5. "EP Commission passes controversial Turkey annual report", the European Union Foreign Relations Commission on Monday approved the annual progress report on candidate country Turkey.

6. "Turkey once again found in breach of ECHR", Turkey did not investigate killing of Kurdish reporter, rules European Court of Human Rights

1. - Turkish Daily News - "Turkey must not miss the opportunity for transition, DEHAP":

ANKARA / 12 May 2003 / by Mete Belovacikli and Esra Erduran

We have been witnessing a new process that began after September 11 terrorist attacks against targets in the Unites States and continued with the war in Iraq. Although, it is not clear what will be the outcome of this process yet, there are a number of discussions and debates about its results. The good guys of the Cold War era turned into some kind of brothers in arms. Hot issues varying from the newly emerged dual structure in the EU to the future of the U.N., from reconstruction of NATO to redesign of borders, put their stamp on this process. A number of new concepts such as preemptive strike, rogue state and controlled instability emerged.

One of the countries that were at the center of this process was Turkey and it still is. The main characteristic of Turkey is its position that directly influences the process with its actions, abilities, failures and success. Those who administrate the country, those who are candidates to power and those who previously ruled the country comment on this process. Here are Turkey's expectations from this process and its aftermath from the perspective of Turkey's prominent politicians.

Pro-Kurdish People's Democracy Party (DEHAP) leader Mehmet Abbasoglu believes that Turkey cannot stay outside the transition/reconstruction process that began in the post-Sept. 11 era. But he also underlines the fact that Turkey should finish its domestic problems and solve its Kurdish problem in order to become a regional force.

Abbasoglu is the leader of DEHAP that aims to become a party of Turkey but some circles believe it is a pro-Kurdish party. Like other predecessors of DEHAP, there is an ongoing case against the party in the Constitutional Court.

Abbasoglu stresses that, it is hard to say that Turkey is an independent regional force. It is more like a subcontractor power and this is a result of periodical conditions as well as the result of international relations Turkey established like its membership to NATO.

Here is the full text of the interview:

TDN: Can you draw us the picture of the current panorama of the world and what were the conditions that created this situation?

ABBASOGLU: The world has left the problems, contradictions and balances of the 20th century behind. In other words, the conditions that were valid in the previous century are no longer valid. A real socialist system was born as a result of the capitalist system but it collapsed. On the other hand, the capitalist system itself was at a point of deadlock.

National states that were one of the basic institutions of the 20th century, are facing a structural transition. Regional unions and establishments formed by various different countries have began to dominate a number of issues which were under the domination of national states in the past. Certainly, it is too early to say that these new developments have replaced the national states. In contrast, national states are designing the implementations and rules of these international and supranational organs. And it is a fact that these states are passing through a structural transition period in order to share the sovereignty of these international and supranational organizations.

TDN: Do you think what we have experienced until now is the indicator of domination of a bipolar world or is it the beginning of new conflicts?

ABBASOGLU: The bipolar system that put its stamp on the 20th century failed after the collapse of the Soviet Union and opened the functions of some institutions that were based on this bipolar system such as NATO to discussion. Despite the collapse of this bipolar system, the new balance has not been formed yet. But, we are heading for a multi-polar system based on reconciliation aiming at solving problems by using democratic methods. Or at least, it should be like this.

Europe tries to overcome the current problems of the Western system by reforms and without causing the emergence of conflicts. On the other hand, the U.S. prefers an impatient method aiming to solve the crisis by conflicts. The U.S. when it launched the first war of the 21st century by staging an operation against Afghanistan was underlining its choice.

The U.S. was born as a result of an independence war derived from the French revolution. It is paradox that, currently, it tries to become the sole dominating power of the world. This system aiming to dominate the world, is the excellent form of the archaic Babil-Rome slavery system. Developed global domination policy is supported by military methods.

But we still have plenty of reasons to be optimistic. States just like people, take lessons from history and the biggest lesson that should be learned from history is the necessity of sharing. A brand new world will be established on the lessons derived from the history of mankind with a critical approach.

The war against Iraq gathered millions of people from every nation. They chant the same slogan at the same time. States even the most powerful ones, cannot turn a deaf ear to this chanting for long.

The alternative to the current system that has no pledge but similar pains that emerged due to conflicts of the 20th century. A possible alternative to this system should be based on idea of equal welfare and contentment for all humanity. Amid this environment, the Western world is trying to restore the current system that is indeed the product of its own.

But neither the U.S. can have the chance of being the world emperor forever without a hitch nor it is possible to accept the EU as an alternative balance power. There is no alternative balance element yet. Countries such as Russia, China and India cannot overcome their positions as a distant contributor during the reconstruction process but they can form an important bloc to balance the western system. They have the power and they have the goal.

But still this does not mean that this process is the beginning of never-ending conflicts and chaos. The history of mankind must have taught that when a power tries to hold the domination role of the whole world on its own, it gets the first blow. Despite the outcry of millions of people all over the world, the Iraqi war began and it is not hard to predict that similar clashes that violate international law can take place in the future. But this time, they may feel the necessity to display a reconciliatory approach in order to prevent the reaction of all people.

TDN: On the other hand, the EU split into two during this process. Do you believe that it will be possible for it to become an unique organ?

ABBASOGLU: The EU as a common organization of a number of European countries is respectful to democratic values and universal law norms. But it is clear that it suffered from conflicts within itself. The EU whose economic unity is not arguable, suffered from hardships in showing a political unity for the first time in its history, regarding the war in Iraq.

The EU split into two concerning the operation against Iraq. Opposed members failed to show an adamant unity. Apart from ethnic values, states and their coldblooded political interests were more apparent. It seems that despite differing views among themselves, the European countries would prefer maintaining their unity. From now on, a U-turn cannot be expected. But time will reveal if they can overcome the differing views among themselves and put forth a common European authority.

All the ethnic, economic and environmental problems including what has been lived in Iraq, are actually the domestic problem of a patriarchal dominated system. Just like problems of the Middle East that remain unsolved. The solution to these problems becomes a necessity for the good of the system itself.

TDN: Let's focus on Turkey. What were the conditions Turkey faced during the post Sept. 11 era and during the Iraqi war?

ABBASOGLU: The construction of state in Turkey was the product of the 20th century system. Turkey's relations with neighboring countries as well as relations with the European countries and the United States were designed in line with the bipolar world axis. But, just like we see the transition of the bipolar system, we recently witnessed a change of balance in the region. Turkey faced the post September 11 era and the Iraqi war amid such transition conditions.

Shift of balance and necessity for transition, on the other hand, conservatism and failure to determine a clear direction; these were the conditions of Turkey when the terrorist attacks against targets in the U.S. took place on Sept. 11. In this light, it is possible to say that Turkey faltered in some ways. The World is changing more swiftly than predicted and this interests Turkey.

The Middle East has already entered the transition process. Turkey that witnessed the tension and concerns of the region throughout the 20th century, has lost a lot of time and we believe that Turkey has no time to waste. The brightest future that lies in the path of Turkey passes through democratization. This is what can make Turkey a regional power. Only after that, Turkey can become the determining power in any alliance.

TDN: Was Turkey a regional power?

ABBASOGLU: Unfortunately, it is hard to say that Turkey was an independent regional force. It was more like a subcontractor power and this was a result of periodical conditions as well as the result of international relations Turkey established like its membership to NATO. Conditions have changed. And now, Turkey can grab the opportunity to become a real regional force. But it has to make swift resolutions and take adamant steps in order to achieve this goal.

TDN: There was an impression that Turkey was forced to make a choice between supporting the U.S. or EU policies. Do you have the same impression and what were Turkey's options?

ABBASOGLU: Turkey's relation with the U.S. goes back to the Truman Doctrine and Marshall Plan. Due to well-known reasons, the dependence of Turkey on the U.S. increased day by day. Turkey's geographical location also played a role in this situation. It is very important for Turkey to boost its relations with the EU in regards to democratic reforms in its political structure.

Turkey should make the most of the transition period. It should solve the Kurdish problem using democratic political ways in order to establish domestic peace. Without maintaining this atmosphere, it is hard for Turkey to cure its concerns, to become a democracy in the center of the region, and to become a center of attraction in terms of economy. This and other political reform steps that are needed for Turkey's membership to the EU must be taken in advance and Turkey's membership to the bloc should be quickened. We have to create a peaceful Turkey that will become an example in terms of democratization for its neighbors.

TDN: In the aftermath of the war, what is ahead and will Turkey have a "say" in the reconstruction of the region?

ABBASOGLU: Despite the outcry, the operation against Iraq started. From now on, the reconstruction of Iraq is important. And the best decision regarding this process can be made only by those who are living in Iraq. Efforts to prevent war failed but at least, a new regime that will be established in Iraq should be made in a way that prevents domestic conflicts. The only way to achieve this goal is to give the right to have a "say" to every society and every people in the reconstruction process of Iraq. If all of Iraq including Kurds ask for a federative system, it is not right to oppose it.

TDN: Do you think Kurds will form an independent state? And if they do so, what should Turkey do?

ABBASOGLU: It is hard to answer if a Kurdish state can be formed in the region or not. As I mentioned before, Kurds announce that they support a federative system. But a Kurdish state will be formed despite this fact, Turkey should not have the right to intervene in any way.

If Turkey has concerns due to the establishment of a possible Kurdish state, the only way to lift this concern is not to follow a war policy but to recognize the democratic rights of its Kurdish citizens and to cure the unbalance between the regions of the country. The solution of Turkey's concerns is not in northern Iraq but in Diyarbakir, Van and Batman [predominantly Kurdish Southeastern cities of Turkey.]

Turkey is a country directly affected due to developments taking place in its region. So, in line with the mentioned points, it has to solve its domestic problems and realize the reconstruction. DEHAP will be a pioneer of this process and we are ready to offer our contribution to those who are also willing to play the role of pioneer. A new and democratic Turkey will be the bridge that will bring peace to Eastern and Western systems.

TDN: Do you think that the reconstruction of the region will have reflections in Turkey, too?

ABBASOGLU: Turkey cannot stay outside the transition period. The 80 year-old policy of the country has been exceeded. It should be reconstructed. Indeed, Turkey is the most advantageous country of the region but it has to use its development potential and also achieve progress in democracy.

Until now, Turkey missed this opportunity. Maybe, it suffers from a little self-confidence problem. This shrinkage led Turkey to become more conservative and intolerant to any tiny democratic demand. Turkey has to free itself from this situation. If you continue to close your eyes to the realities and developments in the world, you cannot save yourself from becoming a closed despotic system.

Only a few months ago, Mr. Recep Tayyip Erdogan during his visit to Russia said, "If you say there is no Kurdish problem, then there will be no such problem." How can it be? The problem that Turkey believes to be "non-existant" rose during the war in Iraq.

Kurds are not living only in Turkey. There are Kurds living in neighboring countries and denial of a single person does not mean that this question can vanish into thin air. Why not use democratic ways to solve the problem, instead. Turkey has denied Kurds for years and saw the issue as a terrorism or economic problem.

But Kurds have openly voiced their demands that were, "Neither denial nor separation but democratic republic." This exactly proposes an opportunity for transition of Turkey to become a regional power with its own might while the region is passing through a structural transition.

Turkey that achieves to establish peace; give Kurds their democratic rights; that achieves its democratization process; lifts the laws that limits freedoms will play the role of a pioneer state in the reconstruction of its region. This is not an option but an obligatory path. Other options will lead Turkey out of the league of the civilized world. No patriot would prefer it. As soon as Turkey achieves to solve its own problems, it will have the "say" in the solutions of the problems of the region.

TDN: How does this process influence domestic politics? Do you believe this process urged parties to undertake new roles and positions?

ABBASOGLU: This process was allowing the political parties of Turkey to revise their stand and adopt new attitudes. However, one of Turkey's deep-rooted parties, the CHP (Republican People's Party) didn't abandon its classical manner instead it stiffened it while adamantly defended sending Turkish troops to northern Iraq. We regret that. Meanwhile, the ruling AK Party showed that it has no brand-new policy regarding northern Iraq but they show their sensitivities about the region on the agenda. Unfortunately, those parties who failed to renew themselves cannot escape from suffering the same problems that the past parties faced.

TDN: What is DEHAP's position?

ABBASOGLU: I would like to repeat that DEHAP is a party that wants welfare for all society; that take democratic values as the basis and worked for the construction of democracy; that adopts a system where working class, women and other oppressed people can voice their differing views and where they will not face pressure; that is respectful to labor and despite all odds that believes that democracy is needed in this country.

In this light, DEHAP is a party that believes that the democratization is for the benefit of this country and the people and a solution to the Kurdish question will enrich this country and double its power. DEHAP is a democratic, liberalistic and progressive party that supports labor and peace. For these reasons, we are pretentious and we tailor ourselves to the role of a pioneer during the construction process for the future of this county on these basis.

2. - The News International - "The Israeli-Kurd nexus":

12 May 2003 / Maqsudul Hassan Nuri*

Twenty-five million Kurds form the largest ethnic community in the world without a state of their own. They are the largest non-Arab ethnic minority in the Arab world and the fourth largest ethnic group after Arabs, Turks and Iranians in the entire Middle East region. Many observers say that if there is a nation that deserves independence, it should be Kurds, who have common language, history, resistance, and urge for a separate state.

However, history and geography have not favoured them. Since the carve up of the Ottoman Empire after World War I, they have been divided in four inhospitable countries: Turkey (15 million), Iran (7 million), Iraq (4 million) and Syria (about one million). Betrayed by various powers, they continued to dream of an independent Kurdistan by reuniting Kurdish communities straddling in adjoining regions.

In the 12th century, the famous Kurd leader Salahuddin Ayubi, the arch foe of England's Richard the Lion heart, recaptured Jerusalem and ruled an empire stretching from Syria to Egypt. According to some ethnologists, Kurds belong to one of the "lost tribes of Israel". Immigration of Jewish Kurds to the new state of Israel took place in the early 20th century. Emigrating to Israel en mass between 1950 and 1951, the Kurds then worked in quarries and road building. They also owned fruit and vegetable stores in Jerusalem. Porterage was another occupation that they monopolised. Known for their big and heavy built, they were ideally suited for this manual profession. Some of the children of these builders have now become wealthy businessmen with dozens of Kurdish contractors. The last two presidents of the Contractors Association in Israel were Kurds. These companies are involved in big construction projects in Africa, USA and Europe. They have also gone in hotel management in cities such as Jerusalem, Eilat, Tiberius and Netanya. Some Kurds have also settled in the countryside in the mountainous areas of Jerusalem, around Haifa and the Jordan Valley. Some were educated abroad and joined government service and served as high-ranking police and military officials, including one Kurdish General Itzhak Mordechai, who headed the Israeli Northern Command.

The Israeli Kurds have followed the struggle of their brethren but have been constrained in fully supporting them. The late Kurdish leader Mustafa Barazani visited Israel secretly twice in the 1960s and 1970s and kept his contacts. In 1972, nearly 50,000 Kurds lived in Jerusalem alone. An organisation named Israeli Kurdish League was founded in 1993 in response to the long-felt need to coordinate Kurdish cultural and scholarly activities in Israel.

Ironically, the Arab Muslims in Israel have not shown any gesture of goodwill or humanitarian assistance to the Kurds community outside. As compared to support for the Palestinian cause, they have maintained cold feelings for Muslim Kurds. Most probably, this has something to do with them being non-Arabs. Moreover, the Palestinians were not interested in spoiling their relations with Saddam Hussein's Iraq who was a supporter of their cause and even a financier to Islamic Jihad and other Palestinian fighters. Kurds, in many ways, admire Israel for the way the Israelis have built their state and created a strong defence capability. It is a model for them, though the Kurds know that this has been made possible because of US patronage.

The PUK (Patriotic Union of Kurdistan), which is led by Jalal Talabani, is one of the major parties that has been in control of northern Kurdistan in Iraq. Jalal Talabani once observed: "Today, as the Arab countries themselves and also the Palestinians are negotiating publicly with Israel and its representatives, we, the Kurds, can negotiate also."

Kurds solicited Israeli help in the 1980s against chemical weapons used by Saddam Hussein in northern Kurdistan in March 1988 in which nearly 5,000 Kurdish people died. Before the 1991 Gulf war, they had been asking for technical, logistic land political support from Israel and the US Jewish communities. After the 1991 Gulf war, they expected aid from the US and allies but were refused. However, the then military commander Gen Jay Garner was instrumental in creating a "safe haven" for the Kurdish refugees. Thus, for over eleven years they enjoyed a semi-autonomous status through the enforcement of "no-fly security zone".

The dismantling of the Saddam regime in Iraq has pitch forked the US in the Arab heartland. Lodged securely in the Arab world by occupying a nation, known for its historical pride and military strength, its hot breath is blowing across Iran, Syria and other Arab states. Prospects of democracy are not bright in the Arab world. And in Iraq, with its ethnic mix, the ill-effects of Saddam's decades of repression and close emotional/religious bonds of majority Shia community with Iran, uncertainty and turbulence is going to pervade in the region.

The Shia Islam in Iraq, with possible links with neighbouring Iran, is anathema to the US. That could force the latter to "redesign, redraw or remodel" the Middle East. Besides, there is strong US perception that repressive Muslim/Arab societies have created strong hatred against the West and thus act as breeding grounds for terrorism. In that case, creation of an independent Kurdistan may be exercised as a likely option to break Iraq's strength and create an Islamic state that is pro-Israel, which will radically shift the balance of power in the region in its favour.

After all, most of the Arab states were partitioned out of the Ottoman Empire in the wake of World War I. History shows that all major wars have led to unintended consequences, positive and negative. If WWI led to creation of Arab states, it led to the rise of fascism in Germany, Italy and Japan. It also resulted in the unforeseen 1917 Bolshevik revolution in Russia that altered the course of history. Likewise, WWII resulted in the final defeat of Hitler's Germany and breaking up of the former British Empire. Later, it spawned the Cold War that raged for over 50 years until the fall of Berlin Wall and the disintegration of the Soviet Union into fifteen constituent units.

Similarly, the events of September 11 terrorist attack on US cities and US-led wars against Afghanistan and Iraq have transformed the international system. From now onwards, the ME is no longer the same and the shockwaves will be felt in and outside the region. The US is keen to effect "behaviour change", if not "regime change", in Iran and Syria, and may demand the same from Pakistan in due course. The "Israel-Kurdistan-India axis" could come about, and, if that happens, it will mean added security concerns for Pakistan. The Kurdish state may not materialise soon as the Kurds themselves are unsure, cautious and spread out in neighbouring countries. Once, the Kurds used to say that they have "no friends in the world except their mountains". Today, they have the support of US and Israel, two redoubtable powers in the ME who matter and seem keen on effecting "political engineering" in the region. But Kurds are somewhat schizophrenic. Officially, they want maximum autonomy within Iraq, yet they nurse strong aspirations for separate nationhood. They were the only community in Iraq to welcome US troops and along with US troops their capture (and final retreat for fear of antagonising Turkey) of oil rich cities of Kirkuk and Mosul was quite symbolic.

General Jay Garner during his visit to northern Iraq stated that, given the success of Kurd's self-government, they hold a "model" for Iraq and the Arab world. He moreover termed Mosul and Kirkuk as "Kurdish cities". Many Kurds feel that this is an opportune time for them to be "rewarded". However, this is not to understate that Kurdish politics has seen bitter rivalries and infighting in the past. The Kurds are waiting and voicing their ambitions for a separate state. There is some apprehension that the US may not go as far as granting them this status for fear of similar claims in Chechnya, Palestine or Kashmir. However, it seems that after nearly eleven years of self-rule, the Kurds will now be demanding greater autonomy than before and would like to identify themselves differently from the Arab-ruled Iraq under whom they have suffered for decades.

*The writer is a senior Reserch Fellow, Islamabad Policy Research Institute

3. - International Herald Tribune - "U.S. risks losing Iraq in anarchy, Kurd says":

Barzani's warning comes with arrival of new administrator

13 May 2003 / by Patrick E. Tyler

BAGHDAD The Kurdish leader Massoud Barzani, who will play a key role in the formation of the interim government in Iraq, said Monday that the United States risked squandering its victory over Saddam Hussein by allowing chaos and anarchy to run unchecked in the country.

Barzani spoke in an interview on the day that a new civilian administrator, L. Paul Bremer, arrived in the Iraqi capital to take over the task of rebuilding the country from Jay Garner, the retired lieutenant general first appointed to that mission.

Bremer flew here on military transport from U.S. military headquarters in Qatar accompanied by Garner and General Richard Myers, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

They did not address the causes of the dramatic personnel changes reported by administration officials during the weekend.

One of Garner's deputies, Barbara Bodine, was called home on short notice and administration officials said Garner would also be departing his job within a few weeks.

Other members of Garner's staff, detailed to Iraq from diplomatic or other government jobs, are also returning to their assignments in an apparent dismantling of much of Garner's original management team. Even his public relations adviser is pulling out.

Other members of the team said they simply do not know if they will be asked to stay. Bremer is bringing a large contingent of new administrators.

The sudden personnel overhaul has rattled Iraqi political leaders who have been working closely with Garner and none was more disappointed that Barzani, who worked with the general a decade ago when Iraq's Kurdish minority fled by the hundreds of thousands to the Turkish border region to escape the wrath of Saddam after an unsuccessful uprising.

"His departure will have a very negative effect," Barzani said. "The rapid change of officials is not very helpful because we need focus."

Elaborating, Barzani said "major mistakes have been made" in the military and civilian management of post war Iraq "and if we continue in this confusion, this wonderful victory we have achieved will turn into a quagmire."

This concern now radiates far beyond the immediate region. On Monday in London, Foreign Secretary Jack Straw said, "The situation in Baghdad is not satisfactory," and he acknowledged that it was the responsibility of the United States and its coalition partners "to ensure that it becomes satisfactory very quickly."

He spoke after meeting with the Saudi foreign minister, Prince Saud al Faisal, who conveyed an even stronger sense of alarm.

"In the majority of the country there is instability which threatens the territorial integrity and the unity of Iraq, which is of extreme concern to the countries of the region," the prince said.

He said the ongoing violence, including almost hourly eruptions of gunfire in Baghdad, would undermine the distribution of humanitarian aide "and it threatens a breakdown in order altogether."

As the fear of worsening civil collapse set a more urgent tone to all matters relating to postwar action in Iraq, the U.S. military reported that it had captured two key figures from Saddam's government.

The first was the British-trained microbiologist Riha Tahib, who was known as "Dr. Germ" for her role in marshaling Iraq's biological warfare program.

American officials said they had also taken into custody the former chief of staff of the Iraqi armed forces, Ibrahim Ahmad Abde al-Sattaf Muhammad al Tikriti.

No progress has been reported on the hunt for Saddam and his sons, Uday and Qusay, but Ahmad Chalabi, the onetime exile leader now pressing for the early appointment of an interim government, said his intelligence sources believe Saddam and his sons are hiding in an arc of territory from Ramadi, west of the capital, to the northern Baghdad suburbs and to Diyala on the eastern side of the city.

"He is not traveling with Uday or Qusay," Chalabi said in a recent interview.

Rather, he said, the Iraqi leader is traveling with presidential secretary Abd Hamid Mahmoud al Tikriti.

An aide to Chalabi said there are credible intelligence reports that Saddam has been sighted since the fall of Baghdad, and an unconfirmed report that he and Mahmoud have received suicide vests and the training to use them, presumably so that they could not be taken alive.

Like almost every official or political leader, Barzani cited the breakdown of police authority as the critical issue that precedes all others. On Monday, Iraqi Army officers demonstrated outside the gates of the Republican Palace, demanding salaries, pensions and some role in the new Iraqi Army, which does not yet exist.

Barzani said he believed it was "urgent" that a strong governor or mayor be appointed to run Baghdad, the largest Iraqi city and the geographical linchpin that unites the Kurdish minority of the north with the Sunni and Shiite Muslim populations of central and southern Iraq. He also endorsed and offer first made public by Jalal Talabani, the other major Kurdish chief, to send as many as 10,000 city police officers from northern cities to help police the streets of Baghdad while a new police force is being vetted, trained and deployed.

4. - Gulf News - "Cyprus enjoys its fragile honeymoon":

ATHENS / 13 May 2003 / by Linda S. Heard

A political cartoon in my local paper nicely sums up the current situation in Cyprus. It shows a United Nations helicopter hovering over a May Day demonstration on the Mediterranean island with one occupant peering down and asking the other: "Are they Greek or Turkish?" "We are Cypriots," the crowd yells up at them.

With the milk of human kindness whipping into a giant creme Chantilly after the President of Northern Cyprus Rauf Denktash unilaterally removed a more than quarter-of-a-century old barrier separating the North from the South, old grievances have been pushed to one side in a frenzy to kiss and make up.

Denktash may have believed that the newly fraternising Greek and Turkish-Cypriot populations would prove his long held theory that the two sides are unable to live together. If so, he was way off track.

Within two weeks of the borders opening up, more than 300,000 Greeks and Turks crossed over to the other side in an atmosphere of jubilation, tainted only by mile long queues and passports checks. We shouldn't have to show our passports in our own country, many complained.

In northern Cyprus, Greek-Cypriots were broadly welcomed with open arms by the Turkish-Cypriot community, not least because they brought a huge injection of hard currency into the North's ailing economy - upwards of C£15 million.

A decrepit kebab house near the Green Line did a roaring trade for the first time in decades; the coffee shops and restaurants around Kyrenia's harbour were full to overflowing, their owners hardly able to keep up with demand. Cigarette vendors were soon sold out, their wares grabbed by Greeks anxious to stock up on the cheaper product, although spoilsport Greek-Cypriot customs inspectors soon cottoned on to this trend.

But most of all, the Greek-Cypriots longed to re-visit their old schools, their neighbourhoods and villages, which the years had turned to misty outlines in their fading memories, and, of course, their old homes.

To this end, those who found their houses still standing, tentatively knocked on their doors clutching yellowing deeds, often to be welcomed with genuine hugs and invited in to look around. Some were shocked to find their own furniture still in place, their wedding photographs tucked away on top of cupboards.

Those who could not gain access for whatever reason contented themselves with picking flowers from their former gardens. Others held emotional reunions with childhood friends. A report in the Cyprus Mail illustrates the extent of the goodwill between the two communities.

Elada Kyriacou, a Greek Cypriot woman buried her jewellery in the garden of her northern Cyprus home in 1974 for safekeeping. Upon her return last week, she had little expectations of finding it but halfheartedly asked the new occupant Zerin Doam whether she had come across any heirlooms over the years.

Imagine her delight when Doam explained that her children had found the valuables some 10 years before and she felt that a great weight had been lifted off her in being able to hand them back to their rightful owner.

The Guardian talks of a Turkish Cypriot dentist who left a message on the front door asking any member of the Greek family who had once lived in his house to visit his surgery during working hours to collect the key.

Possible tensions

In an effort to stave off possible tensions between the communities, most of the 35,000 Turkish soldiers stationed in the TRNC swapped their army uniforms for civvies and blended with the local crowds.

But all was not as rosy. In one case, an elderly Turkish woman died of a heart attack when the former owners of her home knocked on the door.

She had apparently feared that moment for a long time and believed that they had come to throw her out, although this was apparently far from being the case.

Greek-Cypriots have also complained about treatment meted out by the British expatriate owners of their old homes. Most refuse to open the door to them or shout at them to go away.

"This is my property. I've invested £70,000," James Harrington, a British national, told The Times News Service. When he was asked what he would do if the Greek-Cypriot former owner of his house demanded its return, he said: "I'll tell them to get lost."

Expatriates have long been warned of possible downside in buying inexpensive property in Northern Cyprus.

In the absence of a political/legal framework, Greek Cypriots could soon lose their euphoria at glimpsing their old homes, many of which were built by their fathers and grandfathers, and feel resentful that they are unable to repossess.

Reuters highlighted the story of two Greek-Cypriot sisters, whose father had been a priest. When the family fled northern Cyprus in 1974, he had been determined to stay inside his church.

Upon their return to their village near Kyrenia, they discovered that the church was now a mosque and broke down in tears. The Imam tried to comfort them and returned their father's books and his Bible.

Turkish-Cypriots are, for their part, heading South in search of work and marvelling at the high standard of living, long enjoyed by residents of southern Cyprus, and destined to be even higher once the Greek part becomes a full participating member of the EU.

The Turkish Cypriots are fed up of being marginalised and isolated, while they watch their Greek cousins benefit from the fruits of the 21st century. They are tired of high unemployment, an economy ever teetering on the brink, low wages and are crying out to be allowed to be part of the European Community.

The Greek Cypriots have long yearned for a unified island and especially access to the North, arguably the most beautiful part, and are eager to capitalise on a cheaper Turkish-Cypriot labour force.

Once again, it is the politicians who are erecting obstacles where, perhaps, none exist. Kofi Annan's reunification plan is still on the table, although he is hesitant to pursue this further unless the main players - TRNC President Rauf Denktash, Greek-Cypriot President Tassos Papadopoulos, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the Turkish President, and Greek Prime Minister Costas Simitis - can come to a broad-based agreement on the future shape of the island.

The Greek-Cypriot government appears to have been taken unawares by the new reality on the ground and is bemoaning the fact that Greeks are spending so much money in northern Cypriot hotels and restaurants, pointing out that it is illegal for Greek Cypriots to stay in hotels, which were once Greek-owned.

It is also appealing to the patriotism of Greek-Cypriots and urging them not to travel to the North, an appeal, which is being largely ignored.

Foreign tourists are also being prevented from staying in the North overnight, whereas Greek-Cypriots can stay for up to three days, a limit imposed by the Turkish-Cypriot authorities.

Signs that the honeymoon is about to experience, perhaps, a seven-week itch are emanating from the Turkish side too with Denktash's announcement that his government intends to produce a blacklist of Greek-Cypriots following the attempted lynching of a Greek-Cypriot man during a visit to his old village, when he was accused of killing a fellow villager some 28 years before.

Now that Turkey's relations with the U.S. have been seriously downgraded since its unwillingness to allow American troops to invade northern Iraq from its soil, Turkey is more than ever anxious to be a part of Europe. If it cannot manage to urge Denktash to support the Annan reunification plan, or something approximating it, then its own chances of EU accession are slim. This is because once Cyprus joins the EU next year, Turkey will be viewed as the occupier of a member state.

During Erdogan's first visit as Prime Minister of Turkey to Cyprus last week, he said: "There are two peoples with different religions and languages, two separate democratic orders and two separate states in Cyprus. The solution efforts in Cyprus should be based on these realities."

Although Erdogan has long been perceived as a dove when it comes to the reunification of Cyprus, this statement supports the vision of Denktash, who would prefer Cyprus to be a loose federation of two different states, rather than one with a federal government made up of Greek and Turkish Cypriots.

Erdogan also called for the lifting of "the inhumane embargoes to which the Turkish people of Cyprus have been subjected for 40 years."

Perfectly sensible

This may sound perfectly sensible and from a pragmatic point of view it is, but it would require long-elusive international recognition of the TRNC with all the political pitfalls that would entail.

The Turkish Prime Minister hopes that Cyprus will eventually become an "Island of Peace" but unless there is real political will to back up the goodwill shown by the Cypriot peoples, his hope will remain just that.

It is expected in some quarters that Erdogan will show his commitment by withdrawing most of the Turkish troops currently based on the island.

There are rumours that Denktash is ready for yet another surprise move, the downing of the fences around the now ghostly resort town of Famagusta.

Like the Greek Cypriots, I would love to revisit my old (rented) home, which gave out onto an endless beach, and to relive old memories of long, lazy lunches on the terrace in the company of family and friends.

I left behind no family portraits and neither buried gold. But golden, indeed, were those days before the coup and subsequent invasion, which I hope for the sake of the Cypriot people - all of them - will soon return. It's up to the politicians to ensure that they do.

*The writer is a specialist writer on Middle East affairs. She can be contacted at lheard@gulfnews.com

5. - NTV/MSNBC - "EP Commission passes controversial Turkey annual report":

13 May 2003

The European Union Foreign Relations Commission on Monday approved the annual progress report on candidate country Turkey.

The report, prepared by Dutch Christian Democrat EU parliamentarian Arie Oostlander, has attracted criticism from both Turkey and some European countries.

In particular, many in Turkey were angered by calls in the report to dilute the principles on which the Turkish state was established, laid down by founding president Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. While most of the criticisms made by Oostlander, who in fact had requested substantial changes be made to his own report, were removed, the harsh criticism of the Turkish military’s role in civilian activities has been retained. In total, 283 amendments were made to the final report tabled to the Commission.

In the document, Turkey has been called on to prepare a new constitution, abolish institutions such as the National Security Council and the Supreme Board of Radio (RÜTÜK), the state’s media watchdog.

The report also said that the Cyprus issue has a fundamental role in relations between Turkey and the EU. The European Parliament is yet to vote on the report.

6. - Kurdish Human Rights Project - "Turkey once again found in breach of ECHR":

Turkey did not investigate killing of Kurdish reporter, rules European Court of Human Rights

LONDON / 12 May 2003

On 9 May 2003, the European Court of Human Rights found once again that Turkey had violated the European Convention on Human Rights for its failure to investigate the killing of a reporter for a pro-Kurdish newspaper.

The applicant, Isak Tepe, at the material time was provincial chairman of the now banned Democracy Party (DEP) in Bitlis, Southeast Turkey. He alleged that in July 1993 his son, Ferhat Tepe, born in 1974, who had been a reporter for the pro-Kurdish 'Ozgur Gundem' newspaper, had been tortured and killed after being abducted by undercover agents of the State or by persons acting under their instructions and that the authorities had failed to carry out an effective and adequate investigation into his death.

On 28 March 1995, KHRP submitted an application to the Court on behalf of Isak Tepe.

As the Turkish Government and the applicant did not agree on the facts surrounding Ferhat Tepe's death, three delegates from the Court took evidence from 24 witnesses at hearings held in Ankara between 9 and 14 October 2000.

In its judgment of 9 May 2003, the Court considered that the circumstances in which Ferhat Tepe had died and the fact that he had been working for a pro-Kurdish newspaper militated in support of his father's allegations. However, the absence of sufficient corroborating evidence meant the Court could not conclude beyond all reasonable doubt that Ferhat Tepe had been abducted and killed by any State agent or
person acting on their behalf.

The Court noted that there had been striking omissions in the conduct of the investigation into Ferhat Tepe's disappearance and death. There had been no proper co-ordination between the police authorities and the various prosecutors, who, moreover, had failed to broaden the investigation or take steps on their own initiative to identify possible witnesses. The Court also found it regrettable that no full forensic autopsy had been carried out by a qualified forensic expert. Accordingly, it considered that there had been a violation of the right to life (Article 2) on account of the national authorities' failure to carry out an adequate and effective investigation into the circumstances surrounding the death of the applicant's son.

The Court found that there had been a violation of Article 13 because the applicant had had an arguable claim under Article 2 that had not been adequately investigated. Moreover, the Court found that the Government had failed to fulfil their obligation under Article 38 of the Convention to provide all necessary facilities to the Court in its task of establishing the facts.

Kerim Yildiz, Executive Director of KHRP, says, "This judgment puts Turkey under an obligation to put an end to the breach and to make reparation for its consequences in such a way as to restore, as far as possible, the situation existing before the breach. Despite the large volume of judgments against it, to date Turkey has failed to fulfil its obligations to reform and improve human rights. The international community must also fulfil its own obligation to monitor closely the implementation of this and other judgments."

NOTES FOR EDITORS:

(1) The judgment of Tepe v. Turkey (27244/95), 9 May 2003, European Court of Human Rights: http://www.echr.coe.int/Eng/Judgments.htm

For further information please contact:

Kerim Yildiz, Executive Director / Anke Stock, Legal Officer / Rochelle Harris, Public Relations Officer

Kurdish Human Rights Project / 2 New Burlington Place / London W1S 2HP
Tel: 020 7287-2772 / Fax: 020 7734-4927 / email: khrp@khrp.demon.co.uk / http://www.khrp.org